The Oil-Driven Nation-Building of the Gulf States After the Second World War

AbstractLike so many features of the British Empire, policy for colonial higher education was transformed during the Second World War. In 1945 the Asquith Commission established principles for its development, and in 1948 the Carr–Saunders report recommended the immediate establishment of a university in Malaya to prepare for self-government. This institution grew at a rate that surpassed expectations, but the aspirations of its founders were challenged by lack of resources, the mixed reactions of the Malayan people and the politics of decolonisation. The role of the University of Malaya in engineering a united Malayan nation was hampered by lingering colonial attitudes and ultimately frustrated by differences between Singapore and the Federation. These differences culminated in the university's partition in January 1962. In the end it was the politics of nation-building which moulded the university rather than the other way round.

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Pibulsongkram's Thai Nation-Building Programme during the Japanese Military Presence, 1941–1945

Journal of Southeast Asian Studies ◽

10.1017/s0022463400009760 ◽

1978 ◽

Vol 9 (2) ◽

pp. 234-247 ◽

Cited By ~ 6

Author(s):

Thamsook Numnonda

Keyword(s):

Nation Building ◽

Second World War ◽

World War ◽

Military Presence ◽

Japanese Military ◽

The Government ◽

Second World

During the Second World War, there was a momentous drive to build a new Thai society under the Government of Pibulsongkram, popularly known as Pibul. The wave of these changes lasted only about five years, but it had an enormous effect on all aspects of Thai life.

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Digesting Decolonization

A Treatise on Northern Ireland, Volume II ◽

10.1093/oso/9780198830573.003.0003 ◽

2019 ◽

pp. 61-125

Author(s):

Brendan O’Leary

Keyword(s):

Twentieth Century ◽

Northern Ireland ◽

Nation Building ◽

State Building ◽

Second World War ◽

World War ◽

Long Run ◽

Fianna Fail ◽

Cumann Na Ngaedheal ◽

Second World

This chapter examines how and when the Irish Free State went from partial to full political decolonization. It argues that Collins’s stepping-stone theory of the Treaty of 1921 would be proved correct, but that de Valéra and Childers and their allies also correctly observed the deficiencies of that treaty. The fate of southern Protestants is examined. The wilder allegations of genocide and ethnic expulsion are demonstrated to be without merit; their twentieth-century story is mostly one of integration and assimilation. Fianna Fáil’s program of constitutional transformation is traced and its significance for Northern Ireland evaluated. The Irish Free State’s state-building and consolidation of its sovereignty were diplomatic accomplishments of both Cumann na nGaedheal and Fianna Fáil governments. The program of Irish state-building clashed with the aspirations behind all-Ireland nation-building. The “economic war” of the 1930s and the Anglo-Irish Agreements of 1938 are surveyed, before the decisions of de Valéra’s cabinet regarding neutrality in the Second World War and the supposed British offer of reunification are interpreted for their long-run significance for Northern Ireland.

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Communism in South East Asia

10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199602056.013.013 ◽

2013 ◽

Author(s):

Anna Belogurova

Keyword(s):

Cold War ◽

East Asia ◽

Nation Building ◽

Second World War ◽

South East Asia ◽

World War ◽

The Cold War ◽

Second World

In South East Asia the Marxist message came primarily to address issues of nation-building. The article traces the development of communist parties from their early diasporic networks and engagement with the Comintern, to their relations with the colonial powers, to the establishment of communist-ruled states after the Second World War, through to the Cold War and US efforts to contain communism. The article looks at the various forms that communism took in the region, from hybrid Chinese associations in British Malaya and Hồ Chí Minh’s Indochina network, to the constitutional party of Sukarno’s Indonesia, to the semi-Buddhist Burmese Way to Socialism of Ne Win, to the neo-dynastic communism of Pol Pot. Special attention is paid to the interplay between nationalism, internationalism, and communism.

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The origins of the Cold War in Southeast Asia: Pre-Second World War Siamese cooperation with foreign powers against communism

Journal of Southeast Asian Studies ◽

10.1017/s0022463421001004 ◽

2022 ◽

pp. 1-19

Author(s):

Alexandre Barthel ◽

Wasana Wongsurawat

Keyword(s):

Cold War ◽

Southeast Asia ◽

Nation Building ◽

Second World War ◽

Political Agenda ◽

World War ◽

Political Arena ◽

Colonial Order ◽

The Cold War ◽

Second World

The origins of the Cold War in Southeast Asia are most often located in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, in the late 1940s. Historians sometimes trace its origins to Japan's expansionist phase in the 1930s, which accelerated the decline of the European and American colonial order in this part of Asia. However, the necessity of the fight against communism appeared very clearly in the minds of the leaders of the major colonial powers well before the 1930s. Focused on the case of Siam, this article aims to show that the origins of the Cold War in Southeast Asia dated back to as early as the 1920s with the emergence of international cooperation in the fight against communism and the Thai elite's manipulation of imperialist powers to further their own political agenda and support their dominance in the domestic political arena. The Cold War in Southeast Asia was not only about the postwar fight against the spread of communism, but also closely intertwined with the decolonisation and nation-building efforts of every country in the region — including of the so-called un-colonised Thailand.

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Nation-Building and Moving People

10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199695669.013.31 ◽

2015 ◽

Author(s):

Alexander Prusin

Keyword(s):

Minority Groups ◽

Nation Building ◽

Second World War ◽

Eastern European ◽

World War ◽

Target Groups ◽

Spatial Dimensions ◽

Adriatic Coast ◽

Post War ◽

Second World

At the end of the Second World War, the victorious Allies and the Eastern European states initiated the greatest forced population transfer in human history. It varied in scope, duration, and intensity, and affected and disrupted the lives of millions of people. An important role in these processes was played by ‘historical places’—defined spatial dimensions where the aspirations of titular majorities and the governing polities frequently collided with target groups. This essay examines the situation in western Poland, Slovakia, and the Adriatic coast of Yugoslavia, where the post-war population transfers of minority groups served as tools for nation-building and political homogeneity.

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