The (Un)Changing Irish Voter

This chapter explores the extent to which the cleavages underlying voting behaviour in the Irish party system have changed since the 1970s. The divisions within the party system can be seen as between Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, between Fianna Fáil and the rest, between Fine Gael and the rest (leaving aside Fianna Fáil), and between left and right. The basis for voting analysed are class, religion, party identification, and ideology. The weight of each on each division is traced over time. While the party system has clearly fragmented, and the left has grown in size, the importance of each of these factors has not changed significantly, either since the 1970s, or just since the economic crisis. Various explanations for the lack of change are discussed, including the persistence of candidate centred voting, localism, and how party competition has tended to obscure real policy differences.

Ireland: Coalition Politics in a Fragmenting Party System

Ireland is a parliamentary democracy created as a result of a revolutionary secession from the United Kingdom. While Ireland has many institutional and administrative features that are quite similar to the Westminster model, there are also some important departures, most notably the adoption of limited government via a written constitution, and the adoption of PR-STV which has facilitated the formation of coalition governments. For most of the twentieth century (up until 1989 at least) a Fianna Fáil single-party government was the default outcome of the government-formation process, though many of these cabinets were ‘large’ minority administrations. The only method of ejecting Fianna Fáil was for the second- and third-largest parties (Fine Gael and Labour) to form a coalition government, which they did on a number of occasions. The bargaining environment permanently changed in 1989 when Fianna Fáil broke the habit of a lifetime and entered its first coalition with the Progressive Democrats. Since then almost all governments have been coalitions. This chapter examines the life cycle of coalition government in Ireland: formation, governance, and dissolution. Coalition agreements have evolved over the decades and have become much more important, detailed, and hence more lengthy. The coalition programme plays a key role in the work of the cabinet and the relations between the parties. The increasingly detailed coalition agreements are a very important commitment device during the life cycle of coalition governments. The increasing fragmentation of the party system has meant that coalition formation bargaining has become more challenging.

The ‘Playing a Blinder’ myth: The Republic of Ireland's pandemic response revisited

In a previous paper, ‘The Playing a Blinder Myth and why we must not forget shortcomings in unprecedented times’, it was argued that acting Taoiseach, Leo Varadkar's response to the pandemic was one of opportunism rather than one of competency. By adopting a similar method to the previous article, this piece will provide an updated discussion and commentary, based on newspaper articles covering the newly formed Irish (Republic of Ireland) government's response to the pandemic to date. This paper discusses the governance of the coalition of Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil and The Green Party to examine whether the context of the pandemic deflected the Irish public's attention from what was simply a continuation of the Government's normal approach to welfare, housing and healthcare. Therefore, this paper will focus on the coalition's decision to screen and tax recipients of the Pandemic Unemployment Payment, the enactment of housing strategies that have not met the existing issues within the housing market and how previous measures have not provided adequate protection for the healthcare system during the pandemic. In this short article, the Republic of Ireland's government response to the pandemic is revisited after a year of living with coronavirus within the context of welfare, housing and healthcare.

Good times for a change? Ireland since the general election

The 2020 Irish general election result was widely characterised as both a 'shock' and as a victory for the left. These claims are only partially true. The recent turn to the left was not a sudden development, but rather an expression of how the Irish political landscape has changed since the global financial crash. And while the electorate certainly appear more open to left-wing politics, the principal beneficiaries in terms of the popular vote (Sinn Féin) and access to power (the Greens) were parties with only questionable left-wing credentials. Before a new government could even be formed, the advent of the global health pandemic transformed the political terrain once more, with the two traditionally dominant centre-right parties (Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil) agreeing to share power for the first time. While the restoration of the political status quo has exposed the weakness of the republican left, we suggest that the neoliberal policies that lie ahead may in time revive the fortunes of the socialist left.

Survival prospects for new Irish government are good

Significance He will lead a historic coalition involving his Fianna Fail (FF; centre-left) party, its historical rivals Fine Gael (FG; centre-right), and the Green Party (GP; centre-left). Ensuring a speedy economic recovery and implementing an ambitious climate change agenda will be among key priorities. Impacts The lack of opportunities for young people to emigrate due to the COVID-19 pandemic makes the unemployment challenge even more pressing. Failure to implement substantial increases in social housing would strongly play into SF’s hands. The border between Ireland and Northern Ireland could be exposed to illicit trade if the Irish Protocol is not implemented by year-end.

A Legacy Party? The Irish National League, 1926–7

This chapter provides the first dedicated study of the Irish National League, founded by former MPs Capt. Redmond and Thomas O’Donnell in 1926. Analysing the categorisation of the League as a ‘mobilising’ party, this chapter argues that it was, in fact, a ‘legacy party’, illustrating how the League drew on the old Irish Party personnel, slogans and ephemera. While statistical data highlights the home rule connections of TDs standing for each party, there is also analysis of the League’s controversial actions during the tumultuous summer of 1927, examining two general election campaigns, the aftermath of Kevin O’Higgins’s assassination and the League’s failed attempt to form a coalition government with Labour following the entry of Fianna Fáil into the Dáil. It is argued that despite its short life span, the League was significant in Irish politics as it not only came within a casting vote of government but helped to accelerate the assimilation of former home rule supporters into new parties.

The Death Penalty under Fianna Fáil and the Inter-Party Governments

This chapter, spanning the period 1932-54 continues the broadly political discussion of the death penalty initiated in chapter one. Though Fianna Fáil, in opposition, were critical of Free State institutions and policies, particularly those concerned with law and order, this chapter argues that little changed after the party came to power and the application of the death penalty was marked by continuity rather than reform. Indeed, the renewed threat to state security posed by the IRA during the Second World War led to the introduction of draconian emergency legislation and a series of executions of IRA men. The chapter also discusses the first tenuous steps taken towards reform of the capital punishment laws through the convening, by Fianna Fáil, of a committee to discuss the subject. Moreover, the arrival of the interparty government signalled a shift in the mood around the issue as two of the administration’s key figures, Seán MacBride and Noël Browne, were staunch abolitionists. This gave the death penalty a presence in public discourse not previously evident.

From the National League to Cumann na nGaedheal?

This chapter analyses the period from the National League’s defeat in the September 1927 election to the next great pressure point which forced many old Irish Party followers into new parties: the 1932 general election. It assesses the growing rapprochement between Cumann nan Gaedheal and former Irish Party followers, particularly Capt. Redmond’s decision to join the party in 1931.However, in examining the afterlives of National League politicians, this chapter also scrutinizes the few who joined Fianna Fáil and compares elements of the party’s modus operandi with that of the IPP including de Valera’s leadership style and Fianna Fáil’s remarkable facility for party organisation. Finally, this chapter illustrates why some supporters of the old Irish Party and Ancient Order of Hibernians remained independent, citing economic, organisational and geographic factors and examining the elections of James Dillon and Frank MacDermot.

Ireland’s Varadkar faces serious election challenge

Subject Ireland election preview. Significance Ireland will hold a snap general election on February 8. According to various polls, Prime Minister Leo Varadkar is facing a narrow defeat. The election will most likely result in a large coalition led by the opposition Fianna Fail (FF) or Varadkar’s Fine Gael (FG), involving a number of smaller parties. Impacts Ireland’s strong economic performance could be derailed by Brexit and the implementation of an EU-wide corporation tax. Firms and universities in Dublin will struggle to attract foreign nationals if housing shortages and soaring rental costs persist. Neither FG nor FF would push for a referendum on Irish reunification in the next five years, at least.