Continuity and Change: Deconstructing German Foreign Policy towards the Middle East Conflict

Author(s):  
Jan Busse
2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (2/2021) ◽  
pp. 397-414
Author(s):  
Pawel Bielicki

The main purpose of this article is to present the most important conditions and variables characterizing the role of the Middle East in Yugoslavia’s foreign policy strategy in the 1970s, based on available literature and documentation. I also intend to analyze the conditions that contributed to intensifying Yugoslavia’s position in the region and led to a decrease in Yugoslavia’s importance in the Middle East in the second half of the decade. Firstly, I will describe Yugoslavia’s relations with the countries of the Middle East in 1970–1973, especially with Egypt, where Gamal Abdel Nasser, after his death, was succeeded by the country’s Vice President, Anwar Al-Sadat. It will also be important to shed light on the Yugoslav Government’s stance regarding the Middle East conflict from the point of view of the situation in Europe. Next, I will present the significance of the Yom Kippur War for Yugoslavia’s foreign policy and its implications for Belgrade’s relations with Cairo and Tel-Aviv. Moreover, it will be extremely important to explain why Yugoslavia’s importance in the Middle East gradually diminished as of the middle of the decade. In addition, I will address the issue of Yugoslav President Josip Broz-Tito’s position toward the Islamic Revolution in Iran and the fading of Yugoslavia’s interest in the region following Tito’s death and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. In the summary, I want to note that the period under analysis in Yugoslav-Middle Eastern relations was decisive for the country’s foreign policy and its internal situation, as Yugoslavia never again played a significant role in the Arab world.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Nadia Khansa Salsabila

In 2015, refugee crisis that occurred in European Union due to the war inthe Middle East formed the background of Germany’s open-door policy.As it is implemented, this open-door policy attracted several controversieswith strong internal criticism and negative public opinion, but the policystill be maintained. This phenomenon raises questions regarding on thebasis of German legitimacy in maintaining an open-door policy whichhas always highlighted the sides and ideas of humanitarianism. Therefore,this study seeks to see other aspects of Germany’s open-door policyas German foreign policy, namely ‘pragmatism’ based on considerationof demographic issues related to greying population which have a negativeimpact on German’s stability and economic prospects. Based on thesethoughts, the author argues that Germany maintained the open-door policyas a solution to help overcome greying population in demographic andeconomic context. The open-door policy can be use as a solution throughthe use of refugees and immigrants as productive workers and tax payersin Germany.


China Report ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mordechai Chaziza

This study analyses China’s economic diplomacy approach in the Middle East conflicts in order to explore the following question: How does China use diplomatic means to protect and pursue commercial investments, economic assets, and economic tools, and to advance its foreign policy goals in the Middle East conflict zones? This study argues that despite its adherence to the principle of non-intervention, Beijing’s economic diplomacy has a more flexible and pragmatic interpretive approach. Chinese economic diplomacy in the Middle East uses its diplomatic resources to intervene as needed to safeguard its investments and assets, and utilises economic incentives to promote its well-defined foreign policy goals in the region’s hotspots.


2018 ◽  
pp. 37-48
Author(s):  
Nikolay Pavlov ◽  
◽  
Karina Khderi

2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (12) ◽  
pp. 78-86
Author(s):  
N. Pavlov ◽  
K. Khderi

During the Cold War, the involvement of the Federal Republic of Germany into the settlement of regional conflicts was insignificant. The situation started to change after German reunification which lead to the increase in Germany’s role in the international arena. Political, diplomatic and economic instruments started to belong to the main features of German foreign policy in the region and created a positive image among the Arab countries. Today, at first sight, the Middle East does not belong to the top priorities of German foreign policy. However, in the foreign policy hierar¬chy, the region is among the top three after Europe and the United States, ahead of Asia, Africa and Latin America. Berlin’s increased focus on the Middle East is determined by a number of factors. Among them are German historical responsibility towards Jewish people and obligation to ensure Israel’s right to existence and security; dependence of the German economy on energy resources from the Arab countries; region’s proximity to Europe, and such arising threats as terrorism, illegal migration and regional conflicts. In its turn, regional conflicts are a unique opportunity for the Federal Republic of Germany to declare itself as an international mediator and to participate in peace processes on an equal footing with such world powers as the United States of America, Russian Federation or the People’s Republic of China. Maneuvering between the Arab countries and Israel, the United States and the European partners as well as explosive situation in the region lead to decreased efficiency of German policy towards the Arab countries. In such circumstances, is Berlin ready to assume the role of international mediator in this constantly sensitive region, or would it prefer to remain a passive observer? The analysis of Germany’s policy in the region in the context of the Syrian crisis will help to answer the above stated question.


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