Iran’s Foreign Policy in 1933-1939: Problems of Diversifying Relations with Leading World Powers

The article is devoted to the problems of modernizing Iran’s foreign policy strategy on the eve of World War II, the implementation of a set of measures to diversify its relations with the leading world powers. The factors influencing the formation of the conflict relations of Iran with Great Britain and the USSR are revealed. The features of the nationalist policy of the Reza Shah regime, aimed at liberating the country from British control and weakening Soviet influence in the country, are traced. Particular attention is paid to the formation of a pro-German course in Iran’s foreign policy. The author emphasizes that the ideological factor (Nazi propaganda about the common Aryan origin of the Germans and Iranians) played an important role in the rapprochement of the Shah’s regime of Iran with the Nazi leadership of Germany. It is stated that the rapprochement of Iran with Germany contributed to the growth of tension in Europe, the intensification of the confrontation between the bloc of fascist states and the camp of anti-fascist forces. It is also noted that as a result of the Iranian-German rapprochement, Moscow’s relations with Tehran found themselves in a crisis situation: the strengthening of Nazi influence in Iran prompted the USSR leadership to take urgent measures to ensure reliable protection of the country’s southern borders against the threat of a German attack.

Ecological Dimension in China’s Foreign Policy Strategy

Against the backdrop of worsening ecological and climatic threats, which have taken on a truly global scale, states are rethinking their environmental protection approaches to address the growing environmental crisis. The intensive use of natural resources, characteristic of the traditional model of economic growth, no longer corresponds to the spirit of the modern environmental agenda. Instead, a new model of eco-culture is being postulated, suggesting a reasonable balance of economic, environmental and social development needs. The relationship between economic development and environmental protection challenges states, including those of the developing world, to switch to clean renewable energy sources, nuclear power plants, and the construction of environmentally friendly housing. As the new driver of globalization, China, facing the aggravation of environmental problems, fully understands the timeliness and importance of their solution like no one else. The article analyzes the environmental agenda in Chinas modern foreign policy using system analysis and the structural-functional method. The complication of the environmental situation in the PRC forces the countrys leadership to take active measures to combat climate change. Beijing is introducing eco-culture into its national development strategy, pursuing a course of building an ecological civilization based on respect and protection of nature. The concept of Xi Jinpings Community of One Destiny for Mankind is crucial in the conceptualization of the environmental dimension. An important role is given to the concepts of ecological civilization and two mountains. With reference to neo-Marxism, the study uses a morphological analysis of the ideology of M. Frieden, according to which the above theories can be classified as nuclear in the general course of socialism with Chinese characteristics. China continues to have a complex and alarming situation with atmospheric pollution. According to the authors deep conviction, within the framework of the general vector of ensuring the countrys prosperity, the PRC leadership is closely engaged in solving environmental problems, which is understood and supported by the world community. The practical implementation of the environmental agenda is mostly characteristic of Xi Jinpings foreign policy strategy.

Talking about non-union collective agreements: A union perspective

In a recent contribution in this journal, Mark Bray, Shae McCrystal and Leslee Spiess posed the question, ‘Why doesn't anyone talk about non-union collective agreements?’ Surveying business, government and union perspectives, the authors identified the need for greater attention and research to understand their effect on contemporary Australian industrial relations. This article serves as a response to this concern. Two case studies illustrate how non-union agreements work in practice under the Fair Work Act 2009. We outline further examples of how unions have been talking about non-union agreements through a legal and policy strategy rather than public advocacy. Assessing employer motivations for pursuing non-union agreements, as well as bargaining outcomes for workers, we conclude that there is an urgent need for reform.

European Technological Sovereignty: An Emerging Framework for Policy Strategy

The COVID-19 crisis has revealed the deep technological and production dependencies of the EU on third countries in sectors deemed as particularly strategic and has thus fuelled the debate on (the lack of) European technological sovereignty in critical fields. This article argues that in the light of a renewed interest in relaunching a European industrial policy, technological sovereignty considerations must be fully incorporated into policy objectives and instruments.

FOREIGN POLICY OF PEDRO SÁNCHEZ: ONE YEAR ON

The article analyzes the foreign policy of Spain, as well as the foreign policy strategy (2021–2024), adopted in early 2021, a year after Pedro Sánchez took office as chairman of the coalition government. The appearance of this document took place against the backdrop of the inauguration of the new US President Joe Biden. P. Sánchez’s government expressed the hope that Spain and the EU will be able to improve relations with the United States in various spheres of activity. The new foreign policy strategy was influenced by the global financial and economic crisis provoked by the development of the coronavirus pandemic. In the summer of 2021, another important event for Spanish foreign policy took place. Jose Manuel Albarez was appointed to the post of Foreign Minister, who replaced Arancha Gonzalez Lai. The author comes to the conclusion that relations with Morocco are traditionally important for the foreign policy of Spain. Latin America will play an important role in the new strategy. The place of Spain in the establishment of a dialogue between the EU and Latin American states was especially marked.

Questioning Joko Widodo’s Global Maritime Fulcrum: Change and Overlap Policy

The Global Maritime Fulcrum is a strategy chosen by President Joko Widodo (Jokowi), declared in 2014, consisting of 7 pillars. This program has been running for three years since Presidential Regulation Number 16 of 2017 concerning the Indonesian Maritime Policy mainly focuses on domestic pillars such as the Sea Highway. This policy did not last long when President Jokowi entered his second term to focus on the vision of Indonesia Maju, which emphasized Indonesia's position as a developing country. Using Rumelt's right strategic approach and bad strategy and changes and continuity in foreign policy, the author tries to find the extent to which the implementation of Indonesian Marine policy can become Indonesia's central foreign policy? This research found, among other things: 1) Indonesian Marine Policy authorities overlap, even though there is no clear multi-sectoral scope of work between agencies. 2) The focus on domestic needs only makes the Indonesian Maritime Policy rely on the Sea Highway as the primary focus so that it is not oriented towards an outward-looking and long-term vision. 3) The lack of commitment of President Jokowi's administration in executing the points in the Presidential Regulation. The study concludes that President Jokowi completely changed Indonesia's Maritime Policy strategy in his second term.

Finlandization, Neutrality, or Kekkoslovakia? Paasikivi–Kekkonen’s Line in Finnish Discourses 30 Years after the End of the Cold War

Although the Cold War ended thirty years ago, the Paasikivi–Kekkonen’s line, which characterized Finland’s foreign and domestic politics in the Cold War era, remains an essential element of various competing discourses in the country. This article is based on a study of the “Paasikivi–Kekkonen’s line” concept as a fl oating signifi er frequently used in competing Finnish discourses, including those on the Finnish–Russian relations, on the Finnish foreign policy strategy, and on Finnish domestic politics. The discourse on the relations with Russia involves the proponents of continuing with the Paasikivi–Kekkonen’s line aiming at transforming Russia’s geographical proximity into an opportunity for Finland, and those who oppose this line on the grounds that in the Cold War era it resulted in a shameful “Finlandization” of the country. The Finnish discourse on the country’s foreign policy strategy involves those who argue in favor of continuing with the Paasikivi–Kekkonen’s line, of which the core was neutrality in the Cold War era and is non-alignment today, and those in favor of giving up with non-alignment to choose the NATO option. The article discovers that Sweden plays a critical role in this discourse than Russia. Finally, the Finnish discourse on the country’s domestic politics involves those in favor of continuing with the Paasikivi–Kekkonen’s line, of which the core is consensual politics, and those who support the transition to more transparent, albeit inevitably partisan politics.

At the intersections of European diplomacy: Romania between the Central Bloc and the Entente (1914–1918)

The main tendencies of the development of the Kingdom of Romania during the First World War were analysed in this article. The stages of the diplomatic negotiations of the Romanian government with the countries of the Central Bloc and the Entente during 1914–1918 years are considered. Bucharest managed to take advantage of its own diplomatic balancing during the war, which was squeezed between the two military-political blocs. Thanks to its foreign policy strategy, the Romanian government had retained its sovereign right to the development and the acceptance of the most important decisions, and those which were touched of the upholding of the national interests of the state. Moreover, Romania managed to significantly expand its borders, which was possible due to the crisis and the destruction that was passed through Austria-Hungary and the Russian Empire during 1917-1918 years. In the context of the foreign policy strategy of the kingdom during the World War, the «Bessarabian question» is partially covered and which role it played in the realization of the project of the creation of «Great Romania» by Bucharest. In addition, the certain reasons of the signing, the content and the consequences of the Bucharest peace treaty of 1918 year for the alignment of the forces in the Central European region at the final stage of the war were characterized. Ultimately, the authors state that the diplomatic balancing of the Romanian political leadership during the World War gave it the opportunity to gradually but steadily realize the project of the expansion of the state borders at the expense of the contiguous territories.