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Published By Universitas Airlangga

2715-1565, 1411-9382

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Andy Fernanda Probotrianto

The Arctic Circle, without a doubt, has turned into a region of various complexities and holds a huge prominence in the contemporary world; especially if one link it with discourses regarding energy, resources, and maritime issues which have helped in triggering wide international contestations. These discourses, consequently, are getting more proliferated as the polar ice melting. However, the existing paradigm carried about within the research of the region tends to be ignorant of those whom are marginalized, yet distinctly significant to the shaping of the Arctic environment, under the shadows of nation-states and high politics agendas: the indigenous peoples. This article, therefore, would contribute to the political discourse of the Arctic by elaborating the perspective of indigenous people in regards of the ongoing dynamics. Utilizing Critical Cosmopolitanism as a normative basis, as well as taking the approach offered by Critical Geopolitics, this writing will try to deconstruct how the nation state’s prolonged hegemony impacting the Arctic Circle, displaying the significance held by indigenous communities, as well as factors leading to its heighten representation—with a more through focus on Inuit Peoples in regard of their population and prominence within the discourse. This article reveals that the shifting global paradigm which, in time, echoing Cosmopolitanism values, such as inclusivity, paves a way to the growing representation to the indigenous peoples.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 175
Author(s):  
Ligar Yogaswara ◽  
Ligar Yogaswara

This paper analyzes how ASEAN can deal with the haze problem caused by its member countries and then cross their borders so that it becomes a common focus in ASEAN countries. Then ASEAN made an agreement for its member countries with the aim of overcoming the haze problem which was referred to in the ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution. Based on the question of the effectiveness of the agreement, the authors assume that the agreement is considered ineffective in solving the haze problem in the Southeast Asia Region. The reason for this is considered to be due to a set of norms adopted by ASEAN member countries in the ASEAN Way. These norms then make member countries solve problems by adhering to the principles of the ASEAN Way including non-intervention, consensus and so on. Responding to problems in developing countries in ASEAN which tend to prioritize their economy, making environmental problems such as smog tend to be sidelined. Therefore, this paper will explain more about the effectiveness of the ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution in particular to address the haze problem in ASEAN member countries based on the ASEAN way.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Yasmin Nur Habibah ◽  
Januar Aditya Pratama ◽  
Teduh Gentar Alam

This paper is aimed to find the potential trends of the protectionism of countries and their independence on global economic chains in the midst of the COVID-19 outbreak. Securitization is a state action to increase the status of an issue into an existential threat. In accordance with the theory of securitization, since the spread of COVID-19 becomes a pandemic and threatens health security of the people, countries take part in securitization actions through the application of rules on limiting medical industry transactions, whose products are urgently needed by other countries together with the securitization of the COVID-19 pandemic issues. Thus, the authors examine the acts of securitization from case studies of three countries: Britain, France, and the United States, as samples from countries supporting neoliberal order who has done this action. So, it is known that during the pandemic, countries in the world failed to maintain their liberal economic practices. Then, weaknesses are found in the global liberal economic system, where the dependency of the production and distribution chains on one another can lead to vulnerability to unilateral termination by several involved countries which prioritize their national interests and re-implement economic nationalism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 158
Author(s):  
Moh. Fathoni Hakim ◽  
Denimah Denimah ◽  
M. Zulfikar Ramadhan ◽  
Devy Febian Arisandy Bahtiar ◽  
Feryan Airlangga ◽  
...  

Uighur is an ethnic group which originally come from the Turkestan clan, which is predominantly found in Central and Western Asia Regions. As a minority within the People's Republic of China northwestern region, Its existence often sparks negative stigma from the China government. They are labelled as separatist groups. Large-scale demonstrations in 2009, which eventually led to riots between Uighur and Han Chinese population in Xinjiang, managed to worsen the situation. As a country that has primordial ties with the Uighur, Turkey has responded to the issue of discrimination that befell the Uighur. Therefore, this problem could bring tension to both Turkey and China. Utilizing the concept of bilateral diplomacy, this paper aims to examine the extent of the Turkish government's response to the issue of ethnic violence in Xinjiang. The findings show that the Uighur issue has always overshadowed Turkey-China bilateral relations ever since Its rise. Despite the disagreement, both have maintained a relatively good relation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 81
Author(s):  
Anggraini Ika Sasmita

Indonesia is considered as a maritime state due to the fact the 2/3 of its territory is covered by the sea. Indonesian waters hold a high potential for maritime resources. With this potential comes a challenge for Indonesia to manage and protect its maritime resources from foreign actors that try to enter Indonesian waters and exploit the resources in it illegally or conduct illegal fishing. Vietnam has become the country of origin for most of the perpetuators of illegal fishing from 2018-2019. This research aims to explain the efforts of Indonesia through maritime diplomacy to in order to tackle the issue of illegal fishing that has been conducted by Vietnamese fishing ships. This article will use the UNCLOS 1982 convention as a legal basis and the concepts of maritime security and maritime diplomacy as a theoretical basis to explain Indonesia’s maritime borders and efforts to assert sovereignty over Indonesian maritime territory. A descriptive research method will be used in this article. This article views that Indonesia’s maritime diplomacy effort is still in compliance with UNCLOS 1982 and the theory of maritime diplomacy which includes the following:  1) cooperative diplomacy which is conducted through bilateral cooperation; 2) persuasive diplomacy through displaying presence in maritime territory; 3) coercive diplomacy through sinking of Vietnamese fishing ships.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 95
Author(s):  
Monica Vira Ajeng Kristanti

Southeast Asia is one of the regions that has a fairly high rate of labor migration, both as a contributor and a recipient country. However, this is not equated with strict regulations and laws. Violations of the rights of migrant workers are common in several countries. Unfortunately, ASEAN as a regional regional organization has not been able to provide targeted advocacy. The Transnational Advocacy Network (TAN) is here to provide recommendations and advocacy to migrant workers across countries. In this article, the transnational advocacy network that will be studied further is the Global Alliance Against Trafficking in Women (GAATW) which has been actively advocating and providing policy recommendations to five countries in Southeast Asia, namely Indonesia, Singapore, Cambodia, the Philippines, and Thailand. The research method used in this study is a qualitative method using secondary data. In this study, we can see how GAATW cooperates with several migrant worker unions in these countries, either by conducting research, advocating for victims, or by publishing publications aimed at the public and the government.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Muhammad Samy ◽  
Jayanti Aarnee Kusumadewi

Sitting between two world’s biggest oceans and bussiest shipping lanes, Indonesia’s geographic positioning has given it a very strategic leverage. Such potential is then stressed out during the era of President Joko Widodo with his vision of Global Maritime Fulcrum. One of the crucial aspects needed for optimalization in order for this idea to be achived is security. Indonesian waters have been known to be quite hostile due to the ploriferation of non-traditional threats such as piracy, terrorism, and transnational crimes. A series of maritime defense diplomacy thus have been initiated and intensified—along with other means—to counter them, both bilateral and multilateral in form. This article would elaborate more on the manifestation and implications of those actions made, and why Indonesia specifically focused more on Its maritime defense diplomacy. Based on the findings, it is then revealed that such diplomatic move can be owed to Indonesia’s lacking defense system—making diplomacy a rational alternative to compensate for Its flaw in capacity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 110
Author(s):  
Derina Faslig Silitonga

Starting from the aim of stopping the rebel movement, the enactment of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) of 1958 in practice became a boomerang for security stability in Northeastern India. The privileges granted by the government to soldiers are used as a pretext for discrimination and violations of human rights. The patriarchal tradition, which then considers women as property and weak creatures, causes women and children to suffer the most. Reports of sexual harassment cases, rape, and even murder unilaterally encouraged Meira Paibis as a grassroots women's movement to develop a strategy of resistance. Meira Paibis uses a non-violent approach through symbolic methods that are viewed as extreme and controversial in its mission. This research will describe the significant role of the Meira Paibis women's movement in organizing resistance to AFSPA policies and their efforts to achieve positive peace in Northeastern India. This paper will elaborate on the non-violence approach to see the strategies played by Meira Paibis and the obstacles faced in the process of achieving her goals.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 125
Author(s):  
Nida Fajrin Nafisah

At this time, writing about women in the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria campaign has focused on their role as supporters. While in acts of terror, ISIS often turns women into combatans in ISIS terror acts. The study was conducted with a content analysis method for documents discussing the acrion of ISIS in Iraq, Syria and Southeast Asia and analyzed by transnational crime theory. Since the development of globalization and the advancement of information, technology communication, terrorist groups have been easier to create transnational terrorism networks because they are supported by various technological conveniences. ISIS makes use of these modern tools to spread their ideology, find and recruit new members from all corners of the world more easily. In recent years ISIS suffered a major defeat that changed the map and strategy of terror. This article concludes that women have been incarnated as subjects in ISIS international terrorism. The use of women as combatants in ISIS terror attacks is unusual. Thoughts that ISIS has implanted since 2015 produced various results by doing new terror attacks with women as perpetrators. Deradicalization then carried out by military and non-military ways. The military way to attack ISIS actions with military weapons, while the non-military way by changing the thoughts of the perpetrators.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Noudy Naufal

India’s decision to withdraw from Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) has been one of the shocking event in the development of international trade. Not only obstructing many regionalist agenda between India and the whole of Asia-Pacific region, this decision is considered to be in the exact opposite of India’s attempts to direct its foreign policy towards its eastern neighbours, especially on the East and Southeast Asia, through India’s participations in several free trade agreements. This thesis will attempt to explain India’s withdrawal from RCEP negotiation by looking at domestic factors. It argues that domestic pressures are the main factors for India to withdraw from RCEP’s negotiation rounds. In this research, the author will use conceptual framework developed by Thomas Risse-Kappen to classify the influences of domestic actors on foreign policy of a country based on its political system and societal groups to understand more the influences of domestic actors to Indian foreign policy. This research also shows that apart from domestic stakeholders perceptions that  the country’s membership in the RCEP doesn’t benefit their economic interests, huge pressures came especially from Hindu nationalist groups, especially from Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), as the core mass support of the current government’s party under the premiership of Narendra Modi (Bharatiya Janata Party – BJP), has been one of the major domestic pressures to understand the roots on India’s withdrawal from RCEP’s negotiation rounds.


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