The state and women in the economy: lessons from sex discrimination in the Republic of Ireland

1992 ◽  
Vol 29 (07) ◽  
pp. 29-4206-29-4206
2004 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry Vaughan

In the last five years, legitimate concerns have been aired over incidents of alleged misconduct by the Irish public police, An Garda Síochána. The case for external oversight of their actions and greater operational accountability has been pressed. However, this debate may be neglecting other crucial developments in the field of policing. These include the diversification of police strategies beyond that employed in ‘policing the streets' and the possible emergence of policing organisations which are not under the auspices of the state. This article examines whether a reconfiguration of policing in the Republic of Ireland may be underway, and what the implications might be for An Garda Síochána and the security of all citizens of the Republic of Ireland


1998 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Smyth

This paper considers the ways in which discourses of abortion and discourses of national identity were constructed and reproduced through the events of the X case in the Republic of Ireland in 1992. This case involved a state injunction against a 14-year-old rape victim and her parents, to prevent them from obtaining an abortion in Britain. By examining the controversy the case gave rise to in the national press, I will argue that the terms of abortion politics in Ireland shifted from arguments based on rights to arguments centred on national identity, through the questions the X case raised about women's citizenship status, and women's position in relation to the nation and the state. Discourses of national identity and discourses of abortion shifted away from entrenched traditional positions, towards more liberal articulations.


1984 ◽  
Vol 24 (93) ◽  
pp. 30-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacqueline R. Hill

One indication of Ireland's divided political culture is that there is no general agreement between most catholics and most protestants on a single set of national symbols. To take the case of a national festival, in the Republic of Ireland, where ninety-four per cent of the population is catholic, St Patrick's day (17 March) is celebrated at the popular level, the state level, and is a bank holiday. In Northern Ireland too St Patrick's day is celebrated, but chiefly by catholics (thirty-one per cent of the population), while the festival associated with the majority protestant population is Orangemen's day (12 July) when William III's victory at the battle of the Boyne(l July 1690 O.S.) is commemorated. Both these festivals are kept as bank holidays in Northern Ireland (though not in the rest of the United Kingdom); the Republic of Ireland, however, extends no recognition to 12 July.


Author(s):  
Patricia Rickard-Clarke

Ireland is an island in north-western Europe. It is divided into the state called Ireland, often referred to as the Republic of Ireland, which comprises the greater part of the island of Ireland, and Northern Ireland. This chapter relates to the law of Ireland and references to the ‘State’ refer to the Republic of Ireland.


2021 ◽  
pp. 135050682110409
Author(s):  
Aideen Catherine O’Shaughnessy

In March 2018, the Irish government confirmed that a referendum would be held on 25 May, allowing for the Irish public to vote on the legalisation of abortion. The same month, Together for Yes – the national civil society campaign advocating for a ‘Yes’ vote in the referendum – was launched. This article draws upon findings from 27 in-depth interviews conducted in December 2019 and January 2020 with Irish abortion activists, to explore the moral and emotional construction of abortion within the ‘Yes’ campaign. This research suggests that the ‘Yes’ campaign, which secured 66% of the votes cast in the referendum, framed abortion as a negative affective object and constructed the moral permissibility of abortion along rather conservative lines. Data from the first year of abortion provision in the Republic of Ireland reveals that abortion seekers still face huge obstacles in accessing services in the State. The legislation introduced in January 2019 allows abortion on request only until 12 weeks, whilst issues remain in relation to the refusal of care. This article, therefore, concludes that by framing abortion in conservative terms, the pro-choice campaign has not yet succeeded in destigmatising abortion in Ireland – an issue now translated into limited legislation and inadequate provision of services.


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