White collar crime: criminal justice and criminology

1993 ◽  
Vol 30 (06) ◽  
pp. 30-3531-30-3531 ◽  
Criminology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Dodge

The inclusion of gender in the field of white-collar crime represents a relatively new and challenging area of study and research. The existing information on this topic is scarce, though research is emerging at a steady pace on women who commit offenses and on victimology. Several reasons explain the lack of attention on women who commit white-collar crime and patterns of victimization. First, historical research on people who commit offenses focused on men because they committed the highest number of crimes. Illegal activities committed by women were viewed as aberrations that rarely occurred. Initial empirical studies and theories in criminology were developed based on young male delinquents who were engaged in the majority of offenses and white-collar crimes remained anonymous deeds that, historically, received little recognition. The trend to study males holds true, despite the rising number of females who have become involved in the criminal justice system. Young boys and men continue to outpace women on almost all criminal offenses. Second, women were engaged in domestic duties that hindered their participation in the workforce. As a consequence of their status as wives, mothers, and homemakers the crimes women committed were related to prostitution, shoplifting, welfare fraud, and embezzlement. Women had few opportunities to commit corporate or occupational white-collar crime. Though women fought to gain equal rights, particularly in the workplace, high-level positions in corporations were rare and the glass ceiling prevented advancement in many companies. Third, until the mid-1970s few feminist scholars were active in the fields of criminology and criminal justice, which stunted growth in the area. Finally, the debates over definitional issues and lack of access to large data sources on white-collar crime stymied research efforts. The problematic nature of deciding what actions constitute white-collar crime emerged almost immediately after Edwin Sutherland’s 1939 presidential address at the American Society of Sociology (later renamed the American Sociological Association). Sutherland argued that a huge portion of crime committed by respectable businessmen in positions of power was being ignored, despite the serious harm caused by their actions. The myopic attention on street-level crime resulted in societal, scholarly, and journalistic failures to acknowledge suite-level offenses and victims. While scholarly efforts to explore white-collar crime grew, the idea that women might be involved failed to emerge until 1975. Incidents of women committing white-collar crime were so rare that fraudulent schemes were the exception to the rule. Scholars noted that low-level white-collar offenses by women, such as embezzlement, may be worth investigating, though many people believed these actions represented pink-collar crimes. The lack of opportunity in male dominated corporate and professional realms resulted in few women who participated in, for example, insider trading, Ponzi schemes, or price-fixing. A few female scholars, however, recognized that the issue was not about gender and the ability to commit white-collar crime, but instead depended on opportunity.


2017 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-379
Author(s):  
Kenneth R. Culton ◽  
José A. Muñoz

We present a reflexive paper assignment calling for students to report on their own family and/or personal experiences in order to answer the question, “From where does the greatest harm arise?” We find that, through the process of answering this question and sharing findings in class, students’ conception of criminality is broadened. Institutional forms of deviance and white-collar crime come to be understood as the real commonplace sources of harm while street crime is seen to be less common than typically imagined. The book The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison: Ideology, Class and Criminal Justice by Reiman and Leighton informs this assignment. The authors make the case that the criminal justice system presents to us a carnival mirror-like image of what causes the greatest harm to the society. The criminal justice system, through its policies and procedures, leads the public to conceive of only a narrow and distorted depiction of criminality. The typical crime is thought to be person to person, violent, and carried out by the typical criminal, who is assumed to be black, young, and urban. In opposition to this carnival mirror view, Reiman and Leighton explain that certain institutions cause immensely more harm than that caused by street criminality.


1985 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 305-331 ◽  
Author(s):  
FRANCIS T. CULLEN ◽  
GREGORY A. CLARK ◽  
JOHN B. CULLEN ◽  
RICHARD A. MATHERS

Building upon the work of Stinchcombe, Taylor et al., the present research attempts to assess the impact of victimization, salience, and attribution on four measures of criminal sanctioning: general punishment, rehabilitation, capital punishment, and the punishment of white-collar crime. Utilizing a sample drawn from Galesburg, Illinois, our analysis revealed that attitudes were not significantly influenced by being a victim or by crime salience. In contrast, our measure of attribution (what a person “attributed” the cause of crime to) had consistent effects across the scales, with those having a positivist orientation being less punitive and more in favor of rehabilitation. When members of criminal justice related occupations were included in the analysis, these results generally continued to persist. These findings thus suggest that attributional processes and, in particular, the way in which people explain crime may be important determinants of the attitudes that those both inside and outside the criminal justice system hold toward sanctioning policy.


1991 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard A. Wright ◽  
David O. Friedrichs

2017 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 302
Author(s):  
Emily Lauren Mross

The American criminal justice system affects people in all walks of life, from street crime to domestic violence to white collar crime. This two-volume set explores not only landmark cases and laws, but also covers prominent figures, policies, and scandals. Further, the set includes entries that explain broader issues such as “Biological Explanations for Crime” and “Sociological Explanations of Crime.”


1994 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 518
Author(s):  
A. E. Stephenson ◽  
Hazel Croall

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 76
Author(s):  
Julak Lee

Unlike ordinary street crime, there are two formal systems of controlling white-collar crime. These systems are the criminal justice system and the regulatory system. The criminal justice system controls white-collar crime by using criminal law whereas the regulatory system depends mainly on administrative law and uses various ways such as financial penalties, product recalls, and warnings to control white-collar crime. In this paper two formal justice systems of white collar crime have been discussed. Although the criminal justice system, which is the traditional means to control white-collar crime, can be a strong way to control white-collar crime, it has some limitations. That is, the criminal justice system is difficult to apply to the corporate world and it is the reactive response against white collar crime. In contrast, although the regulatory system is the weak way to control white-collar crime, it has some strength. That is, the regulatory system is a proactive response against white collar crime and it can apply to the corporate as well as natural persons. The characteristics of the regulatory system make it better equipped to situational crime prevention theory compared to the criminal justice system.


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