How Do People in England Want to Be Governed?

2018 ◽  
pp. 247-270
Author(s):  
John Curtice
Keyword(s):  
Public Support ◽  
Political Community ◽  
British Identity ◽  
English Identity

The advent of devolution in Scotland and Wales might have been expected to stimulate increased public support for devolution for England, not least because of a heightened sense of English identity. However, the various arguments in favour of devolution in England point to different schemes of devolution. There appears to have been an increase in the late 1990s in the proportion prioritising an English rather than a British identity, but there is no consistent evidence that this trend has continued. Although there is seemingly widespread support for the principle of devolution, this is relatively lukewarm and does not necessarily translate into backing for any particular scheme. Only EVEL enjoys widespread support. Meanwhile, there is no consistent evidence that support for devolution has increased or has become increasingly rooted in English identity, raising doubts about claims that the devolution debate has stimulated a distinct English ‘political community’.

scholarly journals RE-AFFIRMING ENGLISHNESS: ULTIMATE HALF-NESS AND (CRITICAL) MULTICULTURALISM IN BILLY BRAGG’S ENGLAND, HALF ENGLISH

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Liyanti Lisda
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
National Culture ◽  
Critical Multiculturalism ◽  
British Identity ◽  
English Identity

National identity in Great Britain is always interesting to discuss, as it dealt with England, Scotland, Walles, and Northern-Ireland identity, yet it is English identity that overshadowed British Identity. The problematic concept of English identity also brought up by Billy Bragg, a remarkable British musician, in his England, Half English-song in early 2000. This paper scrutinizes the question of “what does half English mean and what should be meant by full English?” using critical views on multiculturalism. The result shows that the basic idea of Bragg's works important in showing how the most changeable and essential signs of national culture and the clearer voices of its immigrant are perfect expressions of the "ultimate" Half-ness of England.

The Making ofAngelcynn: English Identity before the Norman Conquest

1996 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 25-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Foot
Keyword(s):  
Shared Memory ◽  
Ninth Century ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Conscious Perception ◽  
Anglo Saxon ◽  
Norman Conquest ◽  
The Common ◽  
Common Identity ◽  
English Identity ◽  
King Alfred

There are grounds for seeing an increasing sophistication in the development of a self-conscious perception of ‘English’ cultural unique-ness and individuality towards the end of the ninth century, at least in some quarters, and for crediting King Alfred's court circle with its expression. King Alfred was not, as Orderic Vitalis described him, ‘the first king to hold sway over the whole of England’, which tribute might rather be paid to his grandson Æthelstan. He was, however, as his obituary in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle described him, ‘king over the whole English people except for that part which was under Danish rule’. Through his promotion of the termAngelcynnto reflect the common identity of his people in a variety of texts dating from the latter part of his reign, and his efforts in cultivating the shared memory of his West Mercian and West Saxon subjects, King Alfred might be credited with the invention of the English as a political community.

scholarly journals Globalizing St George: English associations in the Anglo-world to the 1930s

2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tanja Bueltmann ◽  
Donald M. MacRaild
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Global English ◽  
British Identity ◽  
Ethnic Organizations ◽  
External Threats ◽  
Mass Migration ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
English Identity ◽  
Ethnic Associations ◽  
English Nationalism

AbstractWhile English nationalism has recently become a subject of significant scholarly consideration, relatively little detailed research has been conducted on the emigrant and imperial contexts, or on the importance of Englishness within a global British identity. This article demonstrates how the importance of a global English identity can be illuminated through a close reading of ethnic associational culture. Examining organizations such as the St George's societies and the Sons of England, the article discusses the evolving character of English identity across North America, Africa, Southeast Asia and the Antipodes. Beginning in the eighteenth century, when English institutions echoed other ethnic organizations by providing sociability and charity to fellow nationals, the article goes on to map the growth of English associationalism within the context of mass migration. It then shows how nationalist imperialism – a broad-based English defence of empire against internal and external threats – gave these associations new meaning in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The article also explores how competitive ethnicity prompted English immigrants to form such societies and how both Irish Catholic hostility in America and Canada and Boer opposition in South Africa challenged the English to assert a more robust ethnic identity. English associationalism evinced coherence over time and space, and the article shows how the English tapped global reservoirs of strength to form ethnic associations that echoed their Irish and Scottish equivalents by undertaking the same sociable and mutual aspects, and lauded their ethnicity in similar fashion.

The End of Being British?

2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 309-322 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Bechhofer ◽  
David McCrone
Keyword(s):  
Social Attitudes ◽  
Frame Of Reference ◽  
State Identity ◽  
British Identity ◽  
Negative View ◽  
English Identity ◽  
Scottish Independence

As the 2014 Referendum on Scottish independence approaches, a question which many people see as crucial is: have the British ceased to be British? In particular, have the Scots ceased to be British, and are there signs that the English are following the same path away from state identity? This article reviews evidence from British and Scottish Social Attitudes surveys, to show that there is no simple dichotomy between ‘national’ (Scottish or English) identity, and ‘state’ (British) identity. A majority of people in both Scotland and England take some pride in being British. In Scotland, although people are more strongly ‘Scottish’, they do not take a negative view of Britain's past or its erstwhile Empire and they see ‘British’ as a multicultural and unifying label. The data show that ‘Britain’ remains a salient and meaningful frame of reference, even though fewer and fewer people in England and Scotland define their own identity primarily as British. If they choose not to define themselves as British, this is a positive decision, not one they make because they think Britishness is a concept devoid of meaning.

Public support for prevention.

1997 ◽  
Vol 52 (10) ◽  
pp. 1143-1143
Author(s):  
Michael L. Perla
Keyword(s):  
Public Support

Public Support for Restorative Justice Processes: Effects of Provocation, Intent and Harm

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kiri Lutchman ◽  
Diane Sivasubramaniam ◽  
Kimberley A. Clow
Keyword(s):  
Restorative Justice ◽  
Public Support

‘Of Neuter Gender, tho’ of Irish growth’: Charles Churchill's Fribble

2013 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-130
Author(s):  
Declan William Kavanagh
Keyword(s):  
Direct Response ◽  
Popular Imagination ◽  
Literary Source ◽  
David Garrick ◽  
History Of ◽  
English Identity ◽  
Eighth Edition ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Drury Lane ◽  
Fitzpatrick Functions

This essay argues that the work of a lesser-known mid-eighteenth-century satirist Charles Churchill (1731–1764) provides a rich literary source for queer historical considerations of the conflation of xenophobia with effeminophobia in colonial imaginings of Ireland. This article analyzes Churchill's verse-satire The Rosciad (1761) through a queer lens in order to reengage the complex history of queer figurations of Ireland and the Irish within the British popular imagination. In the eighth edition of The Rosciad – a popular and controversial survey of London's contemporary players – Churchill portrays the Irish actor Thady Fitzpatrick as an effeminate fribble, before championing the manly acting abilities of the English actor David Garrick. The phobic attack on Fitzpatrick in The Rosciad is a direct response to Fitzpatrick's involvement in the ‘Fitzgiggo’ riots of January 1763 at the Drury Lane and Covent-Garden theatres. While Churchill's lampooning of the actor recalls Garrick's earlier satirizing of Fitzpatrick as a fribble in The Fribbleriad (1741) and Miss in her Teens (1747), The Rosciad is unique in its explicit conflation of androgyny with ethnicity through Irish classification. The portraiture of Fitzpatrick functions, alongside interrelated axes of ethnicity, class and gender, to prohibit access to a ‘normative’ middle-class English identity, figured through the ‘manly’ theatrical sensibility of the poem's hero, Garrick. Moreover, in celebrating a ‘Truly British Age’, the poem privileges English female players, in essentialist and curiously de-eroticized terms, as ‘natural’ though flawed performers. By analyzing Churchill's phobic juxtaposition of Garrick and the female players against the Irish fribble, this article evinces how mid-century discourses of effeminacy were also instrumental in enforcing racial taxonomies.

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