Archival Readiness

Archivaria ◽  
2022 ◽  
pp. 74-107
Author(s):  
Alison Turner

This article explores the challenges of engaging historically excluded communities with archives and archival discourse, focusing on people and communities experiencing homelessness. Positioning the phrase literal homelessness, which is used in the United States to determine eligibility for an annual census of people experiencing homelessness, as representative of ongoing exclusive and non-collaborative forms of recordkeeping, the author proposes a concept that she calls archival readiness to move toward archive making, rather than archive taking, with historically excluded communities. Using her experiences as a part-time staff member in a temporary emergency shelter that was established during the COVID-19 pandemic, she shows how archival readiness, based on ongoing relationships among archivists, researchers, community organizations, and individuals, would increase the likelihood that shelter guests would participate in archiving. Exploring how homelessness creates challenges for the development of inclusive institutional and community-archiving praxes, she argues that while archival readiness would not solve each of these challenges, it could enable historically excluded communities to participate in generating other approaches. The author enacts archival readiness by sharing three records from the shelter and her interpretations of them, introducing forms of information about shelter living that is not collected in official data that tracks “literal homelessness.”

2005 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-38
Author(s):  
Abid Ullah Jan

The Debate Question 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics? AUJ: The promotion of “moderate” Muslims is part of an extremist tendency sweeping the United States, unlike the situation in the Muslim world. It is the result of a war between two Americas: the America of ideals (e.g., of equality and justice) and the America of extremism, which has succumbed to self-interest groups and individuals. For the America of ideals, the Tariq Ramadan episode is a dark spot, one among many such episodes in recent times. Periodic episodes of tragedy are the hallmark of the America that has shifted its priorities under the pressure and manipulation of the extremists. These forces use all expedient means to sacrifice the wellbeing of the United States for self-interest and promotion of the Zionist state. This extremism entails a morbid dread of Islam. It never regards any Muslim as moderate unless one publicly rejects the Qur’an as “the final manifesto of God,”1 considering this belief a “disturbing cornerstone of Islam,”2 and submitting to the rejection of key parts of the Qur’an.3 Unquestioning support for Israel, along with all other American-approved dictatorships, is the minimum criterion.4 All other factors are irrelevant. The fascistic American track record of accepting “moderates” and rejecting “radicals” is clear.5 The final distinction is not defined by their adherence to Islam, but by the assumed threat they pose to the interests of these extremists. For example, a devout man, fervent in all of his personal rituals but not participating in political affairs, would be a “moderate,” whereas a marginally practicing Muslim with the zeal to voice his opposition to the injustice perpetrated by the extremists’America is classified as a “radical.” In the current political context, a moderate is one who is passive like the devout man, or active like the extremist “moderates” – the Muslim neomods – who openly promote the extremist agenda using Islamic interpretations or “Project Ijthihad”6 as a cover. Hence, the distinction is not academic or religious, but political. Two opposing factors prove this point. First, there are clear commands for Muslims to be moderate by default.7 Moderateness is a prerequisite for all Muslims, not a label of identity for some. Accordingly, Muslims cannot be part-time or partial Muslims (Qur’an 2:208) or reject part of the Qur’an (Qur’an 2:85).8 Hence, such religious labelling is irrelevant. Second, the extremists insist that strong belief in the totality of the Qur’an makes Muslims “Islamists.”9 That is why they believe themselves to be “absolutely at war with the vision of life that is prescribed to all Muslims in the Koran.”10 It means that the standards of “moderateness,” as set by the American extremists, are directed at neutralizing a preconceived threat. Under these circumstances, mere claims of being a “moderate” do not make any difference at all, as long as a Muslim is presented as a threat, however baseless, to the interests of extremist America. Similarly, the so-called extremism in the Muslim world is not the result of Muslims’faith. Rather, it is a function of the perpetually colonized and oppressed people due to the lack of true independence and a central authority to control and productively channel their energies. It is naïve to suggest that a few ill-informed “moderate” individuals or puppet regimes can emulate the abilities of an entire central authority (i.e., the Islamic state) and effect progress and positive meaningful change.


1981 ◽  
Vol 26 (7) ◽  
pp. 484-486 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra Fisman ◽  
Lynne Ginsburg

The development of part-time training in the United States and Canada is described. The flexibility required for young women physicians who attempt to combine childbearing and career development, together with the increasing number of women entering medicine, underlines the importance of part-time training schedules. A variety of flexible training options have been defined and a set of guidelines has been produced by the Canadian Royal College of Physicians and Surgeons. The experiences of part-time psychiatry residents at Queen's University, Kingston is presented. Thus far this has involved a total of six residents over a four year period, including the authors of this paper. The advantages and disadvantages, viewed from both the resident and system viewpoint, are discussed.


1935 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Charles E. Rogers

Professor Rogers is at present a staff member of the Field Information Section, Division of Information, AAA of the United States Department of Agriculture. He is on leave for the year from Kansas State College, where he heads the Department of Journalism.


In the midst of unprecedented attention to gender-based violence (GBV) globally, prompted in part by the #MeToo movement, this book provides a new analysis of how higher education cultures can be transformed. It offers reflections from faculty, staff, and students about how change has happened and could happen on their campuses in ways that go beyond implementation of programs and policies. Building on what is already known from decades of scholarship and practice in the United States, and more recent attention elsewhere, this book provides an interdisciplinary, international overview of attempts to transform higher education cultures to eradicate GBV. Change happens because people act, usually with others. At the heart of transformative efforts lie collaborations between faculty, staff, students, activists, and community organizations. The contributors to the book reflect on what makes for constructive, effective collaborations and how to avoid the common mistakes in working with others to end GBV. They consider what has worked to challenge the reluctance—or outright hostility—they have encountered in their work against GBV and how their collaborations have succeeded in transforming the ways GBV is considered and dealt with. The chapters focus on experiences in Canada, the United States, England, Scotland, France, and India to examine different approaches to tackling GBV in higher education. They reveal the cultural variations in which GBV occurs as well as the similarities across cultures. Together, they demonstrate that, to make higher education a safe environment for all, nothing short of a transformation is required.


2020 ◽  
pp. 073112142093774
Author(s):  
Corey Pech ◽  
Elizabeth Klainot-Hess ◽  
Davon Norris

Gender inequality in the labor market is a key focus of stratification research. Increasingly, variation in hours worked separates men and women’s employment experiences. Though women often voluntarily work part-time at higher rates than men, involuntary part-time work is both analytically distinct from voluntary part-time work and leaves workers economically precarious. To date, researchers have not systematically investigated gender disparities in involuntary part-time work in the United States. Utilizing Current Population Survey data, we test for a gender gap in involuntary part-time work and evaluate two potential mechanisms: occupational segregation and penalties for care work. We find that women are much more likely than men to work in involuntary part-time positions. Occupational segregation and a care work penalty partially, but not fully, explain this gap. Findings extend existing theories of gender inequality in the workforce and show how an underresearched dimension of job quality creates gender stratification in the United States.


1938 ◽  
Vol 33 (203) ◽  
pp. 649
Author(s):  
John I. Falconer ◽  
Z. R. Pettet

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