Cooption or resistance? Trade unions and neoliberal restructuring in Europe1

Author(s):  
Andreas Bieler
Author(s):  
Barry Eidlin

Labor unions occupy a paradoxical position within Marxist theory. They are an essential yet limited vehicle for shaping the working class into a collective actor, as unions’ role is to manage the employment relationship, not transform it. This chapter assesses how that paradox has shaped Marxist debates surrounding trade unions. Unlike previous socialists, Marx and Engels highlighted unions’ necessity, while noting their structural limitations. Capitalism’s resilience after their deaths, combined with working class weakness and conservatism, led some Marxists to conclude that unions were irredeemable, destined to obstruct revolutionary impulses and create a conservative “labor aristocracy.” Others resisted this conclusion, focusing on the need for mass action and organic working-class leadership to ensure unions’ vitality. As the postwar “consensus” between labor and capital pushed revolution off the table, many Marxists adapted, with some abandoning the working class as a revolutionary agent. For the minority who did not, their task was not simply to denounce the bureaucratic and conservative character of existing unions, but how to rebuild dynamic working-class organizations in a context where labor and the left were separated. This task became more challenging as the postwar expansion came to a halt in the 1970s. While neoliberal restructuring and attacks on unions led some to pronounce the “death of class,” others cautioned not to confuse class recomposition with class disappearance. The challenge was how to rebuild power as workers’ traditional organizational vehicles faltered. This problem persists today, although some signs of renewed working-class dynamism are emerging.


2012 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-473 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesco Macheda

This article explores the decisive role of pension funds in the neoliberal restructuring of the Icelandic economy, arguing that, through their involvement in the pension-fund industry, the labour unions contributed to laying the foundations for Iceland’s economic financialisation. The socioeconomic stability provided by the labour organisations was the crucial element upon which the new financial regime of accumulation relied, enhancing the national economic ‘credibility’ that helped the internal market to attract foreign speculators as well as gaining access to loans from international market. I begin by examining how the structural crisis of the Icelandic economy produced an explosion of inflation and industrial conflict in the late-1980s. I then retrace the way the implementation of a neo-corporatist pattern enabled lower inflation and stabilisation of the currency. Finally, I analyse the way in which the involvement of the Icelandic trade unions in the financial mechanisms through the pension industry generated a degree of identification with pro-market governmental policy on the part of union leaders, encouraging them to tailor their own strategies accordingly. My conclusion is that Icelandic unions’ consensus concerning the ‘stabilisation programme’ implemented by the neoliberal coalitions relies on their embeddedness into the financial structures of the national economy through occupational pension funds.


2015 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Gilfillan

Despite the weaknesses of domestic fascist movements, in the context of the rise of Nazi Germany and the presence of antisemitic propaganda of diverse origin Edinburgh's Jewish leaders took the threat seriously. Their response to the fascist threat was influenced by the fact that Edinburgh's Jewish community was a small, integrated, and middle-class population, without links to leftist groups or trade unions. The Edinburgh community closely followed the approach of the Board of Deputies of British Jews in relation to the development of fascism in Britain, the most significant aspect of which was a counter-propaganda initiative. Another important aspect of the response in Edinburgh was the deliberate cultivation of closer ties to the Christian churches and other elite spheres of Scottish society. Despite some unique elements, none of the responses of Edinburgh Jewry, or indeed the Board of Deputies, were particularly novel, and all borrowed heavily from established traditions of post-emancipation Jewish defensive strategies.


1958 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 41-45
Author(s):  
Ralph James
Keyword(s):  

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