scholarly journals The role of pension funds in the financialisation of the Icelandic economy

2012 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-473 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesco Macheda

This article explores the decisive role of pension funds in the neoliberal restructuring of the Icelandic economy, arguing that, through their involvement in the pension-fund industry, the labour unions contributed to laying the foundations for Iceland’s economic financialisation. The socioeconomic stability provided by the labour organisations was the crucial element upon which the new financial regime of accumulation relied, enhancing the national economic ‘credibility’ that helped the internal market to attract foreign speculators as well as gaining access to loans from international market. I begin by examining how the structural crisis of the Icelandic economy produced an explosion of inflation and industrial conflict in the late-1980s. I then retrace the way the implementation of a neo-corporatist pattern enabled lower inflation and stabilisation of the currency. Finally, I analyse the way in which the involvement of the Icelandic trade unions in the financial mechanisms through the pension industry generated a degree of identification with pro-market governmental policy on the part of union leaders, encouraging them to tailor their own strategies accordingly. My conclusion is that Icelandic unions’ consensus concerning the ‘stabilisation programme’ implemented by the neoliberal coalitions relies on their embeddedness into the financial structures of the national economy through occupational pension funds.

2021 ◽  
Vol 235 ◽  
pp. 02011
Author(s):  
He Jiang ◽  
Yonghui Cao

With the development of knowledge economy and the advancement of economic globalization, strategic emerging industries have become the leading industries for a country or region to achieve sustainable economic growth in the future. They are the high integration of emerging technologies and emerging industries, and the driving force of national economic growth. They play an important guiding and decisive role in the national economic growth and the transformation and upgrading of industrial structure. In recent years, China’s strategic emerging industries continue to grow rapidly, and have made remarkable achievements in innovation and development, which play an important role in the national economic growth and the transformation and upgrading of industrial structure, but there are also shortcomings. Based on the current situation of the development of strategic emerging industries, this paper analyzes the role of strategic emerging industries in economic development, and puts forward countermeasures and suggestions for strategic emerging industries to boost high-quality economic development.


2009 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 164-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Birchall

AbstractReiner Tosstorff's book gives a detailed account of the history of the Red International of Labour Unions (RILU), founded in 1921 as a body associated with the Communist International. Whereas the Comintern organised the minority of workers belonging to revolutionary parties, the trade-unions were the mass-organisation of the class. Tosstorff traces the various organisational problems that attended the founding of the RILU, and the splits, alliances, manoeuvres, negotiations and compromises that characterised its early years. From 1924 onwards the RILU rapidly became no more than an appendage of the Comintern, echoing the errors and betrayals of the latter body. The book contains a wealth of historical detail that makes it the standard work on the question. It may also have contemporary relevance to the way in which Marxists relate to the post-Seattle generation of anti-capitalists.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 29
Author(s):  
Indrasari Tjandraningsih

<p class="p1">The non-strategic role and position of women workers in trade union organization, even in the women-dominated sector, is hardly changed even though the number of women members of trade unions is increasing. Various programs have been carried out to increase the strategic role of women in trade union organizations but so far have not shown significant results. Based on interviews with officers of gender equality programs for trade unions, union leaders and women and men members and literature studies this paper offers an idea of the need for a non-exclusive approach and actively and proportionally involving men in awareness-raising and gender equality programs for trade unions. This idea is based on the fact that in trade unions gender-related program is always left to or only involves women. The strategy in the gender equality awareness and improvement program that only involves women causes the program’s effectiveness to be low because half of the causes of the problem is not involved.</p>


1974 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Ramaswamy

Key offices in most trade unions in India are held by "outsiders" who do not belong to the trade or industry from which the members are drawn. The outsiders have marked political loyalties, with the result that almost every trade union in the country owes explicit allegiance to a political party. The partisan leanings of the outsiders have often been taken to mean that their primary role as union leaders is to seize on every available opportunity for making political gain. This paper, based on an intensive study of a textile workers' union in South India, contends that the outsiders, notwithstanding their partisan leanings, may be vitally involved in furthering their members' job-related interests. The purely trade union activities of the outsiders are divided into three broad categories. The nature of the grievance, the power wielded by the outsiders in its settlement, the pressures they can bring on the management, and the role they play differ significantly among these three categories. But in none of these is any attempt made by the outsiders to bring in their political interests. Imparting an ideological color to industrial disputes is neither necessary nor useful. While the outsiders do use their union base to further their political interests, they keep trade unionism and politics as discrete spheres of activity.


In the destiny of a woman at all times, a great role was played by love. Is the life of a woman always wonderful when it is governed by love? The article attempts to answer this question by the example of two student-peers of the same department of Kharkov University. One of them is Galina Arturovna Benislavskaya. She was a journalist, literary worker, friend and literary secretary of Sergei Yesenin, who selflessly loved the poet and became for him “mother-servant”. Her destiny allows us to confirm the opposite: on December 3, 1926, she shot herself at the poet's grave. The article contains little-known facts from her personal life and creativity. Another student is Dvora Israilevna Nezer. They both are outstanding personalities, representatives of the generation of women who fought for gender equality. Unlike G. A. Benislavskaya, the destiny of D. I. Netzer was successful, thanks to the fact that she did not divide her life into constituent parts: love, husband, children, career. Little-known facts of her biography are cited. She was happy in marriage, raised two children (daughter, professor Rina Shapiro – winner of the Israel Prize in the field of education), reached unprecedented political heights for the students of the Kharkov University (she became deputy chairman of the Knesset). It is asserted that irrespective of the choice of profession and the way of its realization, acceptance and reassessment of religious and moral beliefs, political views, the adoption of a set of social roles regarding marriage, motherhood, etc., the harmony of personality plays a decisive role in the destiny of women. At the same time, the author does not deny the great role of love in the life of mankind.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 01
Author(s):  
Antônio Santos-Silva ◽  
Antonio Carvalho Neto

This paper presents the report of a survey that aimed to investigate the role of union leaders in gestation structures of domination in Brazilian unions adopting an interpretative Weberian analysis. Weberian concepts, such as domination, social relation and legitimacy were articulated to explain, in a qualitative approach, the internal social relations within trade unions. The exploratory analysis of 26 interviews conceded by trade union leaders allowed the identification of five groups of orders that constitute maxims and rules of action among the union leaders. This paper focuses on the documental analysis of 115 documents looking for evidence of the domination structures genesis. The documents revealed that these structures go back to the trade union training process, especially from the decade 1970s. The data analysis was structured in five groups of orders: ethics; political repression; ideology; mistrust between parts; and validity of laws. The study concluded by the pertinence of the adoption of the interpretative Weberian approach to explain the action of administrative staff (as in Weber, the influential individuals on the decision making process within the organization) related to the making and preservation of the structures of domination, confirming the Weberian theory.


2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 5-23
Author(s):  
Barbara C. Allen

Abstract While Vladimir Lenin found it necessary to depend upon and support technical and managerial specialists who had been trained in pre-revolutionary educational institutions, the Bolsheviks were never comfortable with this dependency. Under Iosif Stalin, the specialists were vilified, persecuted, marginalized, and eventually replaced by highly specialized technical personnel trained in Soviet educational institutions. This article examines the attitudes toward specialists held by leading members of the Workers’ Opposition, a group of communist trade union leaders who promoted the economic management role of workers through their trade unions. In Western secondary literature, the stance of the Workers’ Opposition toward specialists is sometimes misunderstood or oversimplified. In correcting such errors, I will show that Stalin’s motivations for repression directed against engineers and technicians during the First Five-Year Plan should be sought elsewhere than in the attempt to expand the role and prominence of workers in the party bureaucracy and industrial administration of the new Soviet state.


1990 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
U. Ferndale

Perceptions regarding the socio-political role of labour unions, strikes and trade union democracy. The aim of this study was to determine the perceptions of trade union members and the general public with regard to the socio-political role of the emergent trade unions!. A further aim was to determine whether or not respondents regarded those unions as democratic organisations. The findings of this investigation indicate that the respondents viewed strikes and the socio- political role of trade unions positively. The trade unions mentioned were further regarded as democratic organisations. Opsomming Die doel van hierdie ondersoek was om die persepsies van vakbondlede en die breer publiek t.o.v. die sosio-politieke rol van sogenaamde "emergent" vakbonde1 te peil. Daar is ook gepoog om vas te stel of die "emergent" vakbonde as demokratiese organisasies beskou word, al dan nie. Die bevindinge van hierdie ondersoek was dat die respondente 'n posihewe siening van stakings en die sosio-politieke rol van vakbonde het. Verder word die genoemde vakbonde ook as demokratiese organisasies beskou.


MaRBLe ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
Author(s):  
Selina Rathke

Tax avoidance, fraud, endangerment of public safety – criminal offences that would often remain hidden without whistleblowers. Although whistleblowing is a common research subject (e.g. Brown, 2008; Culiberg & Mihelic, 2017), few studies systematically focus on the recipients of whistleblowers’ reports. This lack of attention is striking in light of the decisive role of complaint recipients in the whistleblowing process (e.g. Lewis, Brown, & Moberly, 2014; Read & Rama, 2003). Often, it depends on the recipient’s response, whether the process comes to a standstill and injustice prevails, or whether corrective action is initiated. Drawing on the scant existing literature, this study develops and applies a comparative framework which allows for a comprehensive analysis of the role of whistleblowing complaint recipients. Findings confirm the framework’s utility to assess recipients, their responses and responsibilities. Hence, this study paves the way for the application of a novel analytical focus within whistleblowing research. 


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