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2022 ◽  
pp. 75-86
Author(s):  
Mykola Kapitonenko
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
pp. 137-169
Author(s):  
Georg Sørensen ◽  
Jørgen Møller ◽  
Robert Jackson

This chapter examines the International Society tradition of international relations (IR). International Society, also known as the ‘English School’, is an approach to world politics that places emphasis on international history, ideas, structures, institutions, and values. After providing an overview of International Society’s basic assumptions and claims, the chapter considers the three traditions associated with the leading ideas of the most outstanding classical theorists of IR such as Niccolò Machiavelli and Immanuel Kant: realism, rationalism, and revolutionism. It then explores International Society’s views regarding order and justice, world society, statecraft and responsibility, and humanitarian responsibility and war; as well as how International Society scholars have used a historical approach to understand earlier international systems and the development of international society. It also discusses several major criticisms against the International Society approach to IR and concludes with an overview of the research agenda of International Society after the Cold War.


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 53-78
Author(s):  
Rizal Zamani Idris ◽  
Asmady Idris
Keyword(s):  

Hubungan diplomatik Malaysia-Australia telah terjalin seawal 1955 apabila pejabat Pesuruhjaya Tinggi Australia ditubuhkan di Kuala Lumpur dan dimeterai secara rasmi apabila Malaysia mencapai kemerdekaan pada tahun 1957. Kedua-dua negara ini telah bekerjasama dalam pelbagai bidang seperti pertahanan, pendidikan, perdagangan dan lain-lain. Malah, Australia menganggap Malaysia sebagai sekutu paling rapat di rantau ini. Sungguhpun begitu, hubungan ini mula berubah apabila Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad menjadi Perdana Menteri Malaysia (1981–2003). Hubungan bilateral Malaysia-Australia telah diuji dengan beberapa isu kontroversi. Isu-isu tersebut telah mempengaruhi hubungan Malaysia dan Australia namun tidaklah menjejaskan hubungan dua hala secara keseluruhannya. Kajian ini menganalisis faktor terpenting yang telah mempengaruhi corak dan karakter hubungan Malaysia dan Australia era Mahathir. Faktor terpenting ini dibahagikan kepada dua: faktor “pengeruh” (souring factor) dan faktor “pengukuh” (enduring factor). Metodologi kajian adalah berdasarkan gabungan perbincangan menggunakan teori English School, pemerolehan data secara analisis dokumen dan temu bual. Pada akhir kajian ini, penulis mendapati bahawa corak hubungan Malaysia dan Australia pada era Mahathir dapat difahami dan dijelaskan dengan baik melalui perspektif yang diutarakan oleh teori English School. Oleh yang demikian, hal inilah yang menjadi sumbangan utama makalah ini dalam kajian hubungan Malaysia-Australia di bawah kepimpinan Mahathir. penambahan, pengguguran dan kuadruplet. Sesungguhnya, usaha penerokaan makna leksikal dan makna budaya kata nama khas secara menyeluruh serta penerapan prosedur terjemahan yang berkesan adalah amat mustahak. Hal ini adalah untuk memastikan makna kata nama khas dapat diungkapkan secara penuh dan difahami oleh pembaca sasaran.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 682-712
Author(s):  
Matheus de Abreu Costa Souza

Since its first peacekeeping operation, the United Nations (UN) broadened its normative framework to provide efficient responses to the turbulent reality of countries experiencing intrastate wars. Back in the 1990s, the UN acknowledged that intrastate conflict causes are structural and socially rooted, and therefore achieving peace in collapsing states would only be possible through the strategy labelled as peacebuilding, aimed at achieving longstanding peace through the reconstruction of the state in the post-conflict phase. Based on English School theorists, this paper aims to analyze how the UN peacebuilding policies can be associated with the strengthening of the commitment of war-torn states to institutions and rules that underpins the group of states known as “international society”. To illustrate the aforementioned argument, this work consists of a case study methodology that assess the United Nations Mission in Liberia (2003-2018).


2021 ◽  
Vol 80 (S1) ◽  
pp. S126-S153
Author(s):  
Surabhi Ranganathan

AbstractAs part of the Cambridge Law Journal's centenary celebrations, this article reads two essays from the journal's 50th anniversary issue. The essays, by Cambridge professors Robert Jennings and Derek Bowett offer resources for the history of international law and its historiography. They shine a light on key debates on the law of the sea at a crucial moment of its development. A close reading of these essays also reveals starting points for new scrutiny of an “English” tradition of international law, including the place of the academy within the tradition, its blueprints for the future of international law and international legal order, and its relation to empire and capitalism.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Kye J. Allen

Abstract While scholars within the English School have increasingly approached the traditionally liberal concept of solidarism in a normatively agnostic fashion, the idea of an ‘illiberal solidarism’ and historical manifestations thereof remain underexplored. One notable case in point surrounds the peculiar body of Italian interwar international thought, herein referred to as ‘international Fascism’. By discerning a synchronic outline of international Fascism, alongside the manner by which this project mutated and ultimately failed as it transformed from a vision theorised in the abstract to a practical initiative under the auspices of the Fascist regime, this article offers historical and theoretical insights into the realisability of illiberal forms of solidarism. Combining this historical account with theoretical insights derived from Reus-Smit's study on international order under conditions of cultural diversity, this article argues that the realisation of some form of solidarism necessitates the acceptance of a substantive pluralist component. Yet messianic illiberal visions that endeavour to retain the states-system, while simultaneously asserting the superiority of one community or a highly exclusionary vision of the ‘good life’, ostensibly lack the capacity to reconcile the contradictions inherent in efforts to universalise such projects.


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