Binding without variables: Solving the under-generation problems

The variable-free semantics of Jacobson (1999, 2000, 2014) derives binding relations by the local application of the z-rule. This rule, however, under- generates binding. This paper makes two contributions: (i) replacing the z-rule with a more flexible rule called i (a la the W-combinator of Szabolcsi 1992), which allows for more binding relations; (ii) enriching Jacobson’s variable-free system and proposing a two-dimensional analysis to account for the interactions between scoping and binding. Issues to be covered include binding into adjuncts, possessor binding, scope ambiguity, inverse linking, weak crossover, and ‘paycheck pronouns’.

Locative Inversion, PP Topicalization, and Weak Crossover in English

The literature on locative inversion in English currently disputes whether locative inversion differs from PP topicalization in permitting a quantifier in the fronted PP to bind a pronoun in the subject. In order to resolve this dispute, this paper runs two experiments on Amazon Mechanical Turk, one an acceptability judgment task and the other a forced-choice task. Both find that PP topicalization does not differ from locative inversion: both permit variable binding. Locative inversion also does not differ from a minimally different sentence with the overt expletive there. These findings remove an argument against the null expletive analysis of English locative inversion, and they also show that weak crossover is not uniformly triggered by A-bar movement.

Binding reconstruction and two modes of copy-chain interpretation

We present a theory for the interpretation of Ā-movement chains at LF in the copy theory of movement where the NP restrictor of a DP Ā-movement chain is interpreted in only one copy. Such a view is motivated for English by evidence from reflexive binding, building on observations in Barss 1986, and its interaction with parasitic gap licensing and weak crossover effects. Our approach offers a means for understanding the classification of Ā-movement types in Cinque 1990 and Postal 1994 in copy-theoretic terms.

Long-distance dependencies

This chapter explores the analysis of constructions in which a constituent appears in a position other than the one with which its syntactic function is usually associated. Section 17.1 discusses the syntax of long-distance dependencies, including topicalization, left- or right-dislocation constructions, relative clauses, and constituent (“wh”) questions. Section 17.2 discusses constructions in which the displaced phrase is related not to a gap within the clause, but to a resumptive pronoun. Section 17.3 discusses how a long-distance dependency construction may be marked morphologically. Section 17.4 considers evidence for and against traces, with particular attention to the phenomenon of weak crossover. Section 17.5 examines multiple-gap constructions, including “across-the-board” extraction and parasitic gaps. The semantics of constructions involving long-distance dependencies are then considered: relative clauses are discussed in Section 17.6, and constituent (“wh”) questions in Section 17.7.

Chinese-style topics as indexicality

‘Topic’ is one of the most studied and the least understood subjects in Chinese linguistics. One major problem is the so-called ‘Chinese-style topics/ dangling topics’. Shi (2000) was the first to establish a typology of Chinese-style topics. Later studies were primarily concerned with the validity of his typology (Huang & Ting 2006; Pan & Hu 2002, 2008) and with how Chinese-style topics, if they exist, are semantically licensed (Hu & Pan 2009). More problematic and less discussed is the question as to how Chinese-style topics are syntactically derived. Based on previous studies and new tests, I argue that Chinese-style topics do exist, although not only in Chinese and not all Shi’s six types are Chinese-style topics. I only identify Shi (2000)’s types 3 and 4 as Chinese-style topics, contrary to the conclusion of all previous studies. Furthermore, I argue that the Chinese-style topics which I identify share properties which non-Chinese-style topics do not have, namely Chinese-style topics necessarily or preferably stand before other topics and do not show Weak Crossover and Relativized Minimality effects. To explain these properties, I adopt Giorgi (2010)’s Indexicality Hypothesis and propose that Chinese-style topics, which have the interpretable [iDeictic] feature, sit at the specifier of the C-SpeakerP at the leftmost layer of the CP. This approach can shed new light on the famous dichotomy, that of topic-prominent languages vs. subject-prominent languages (Li & Thompson 1976).

Linear effects in ATB movement

Munn (2001), Citko (2005), and others argue that in ATB movement initial and non-initial gaps exhibit asymmetries in reconstruction effects and weak crossover: only the initial ATB gap shows reconstruction and weak crossover. Munn argues that these asymmetries are due to the nature of the gap: the initial ATB gap is a real gap, while non-initial gaps are parasitic gaps. Parasitic gaps are generally claimed to show no reconstruction or weak crossover (e.g., Nissenbaum 2000). We re-examine reconstruction in ATB movement and parasitic gap constructions and show that in most cases the putative asymmetries between gaps are not real, and when there is an asymmetry it is due to linear order and not to the nature of the gap. We conclude that both ATB movement and parasitic gap constructions involve full copies in all gaps.