Chinese-style topics as indexicality

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tong Wu

‘Topic’ is one of the most studied and the least understood subjects in Chinese linguistics. One major problem is the so-called ‘Chinese-style topics/ dangling topics’. Shi (2000) was the first to establish a typology of Chinese-style topics. Later studies were primarily concerned with the validity of his typology (Huang & Ting 2006; Pan & Hu 2002, 2008) and with how Chinese-style topics, if they exist, are semantically licensed (Hu & Pan 2009). More problematic and less discussed is the question as to how Chinese-style topics are syntactically derived. Based on previous studies and new tests, I argue that Chinese-style topics do exist, although not only in Chinese and not all Shi’s six types are Chinese-style topics. I only identify Shi (2000)’s types 3 and 4 as Chinese-style topics, contrary to the conclusion of all previous studies. Furthermore, I argue that the Chinese-style topics which I identify share properties which non-Chinese-style topics do not have, namely Chinese-style topics necessarily or preferably stand before other topics and do not show Weak Crossover and Relativized Minimality effects. To explain these properties, I adopt Giorgi (2010)’s Indexicality Hypothesis and propose that Chinese-style topics, which have the interpretable [iDeictic] feature, sit at the specifier of the C-SpeakerP at the leftmost layer of the CP. This approach can shed new light on the famous dichotomy, that of topic-prominent languages vs. subject-prominent languages (Li & Thompson 1976).

Probus ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
J.-Marc Authier ◽  
Liliane Haegeman

AbstractThis paper investigates the restrictions on movement to the left periphery found in non-root environments such as French central adverbial clauses and argues that an analysis of main clause phenomena based on intervention/Relativized Minimality is to be preferred to one based on structural truncation. The empirical basis for this claim consists of an examination of some asymmetries between French infinitival TP ellipsis and infinitival TP Topicalization. Adopting Authie's (2011) approach to TP ellipsis whereby the to-be-elided TP undergoes fronting in the computational component but fails to be spelled out at PF, we argue that these asymmetries follow from the fact that in French, while a spelled out fronted TP is an intervener for


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-213
Author(s):  
Lin Huayong ◽  
Wu Xueyu ◽  
Liu Zhiling

The theory of contact-induced grammaticalization has been proposed to examine language contact and grammatical change, and was introduced into Chinese linguistic circles over 10 years ago. It contributes to a series of developments and breakthroughs in the domain of contact between Chinese and other languages as well as contact among Chinese dialects. Recent approaches to Chinese linguistics combine the theory with Semantic Map Model. In this paper, we focus on the Chinese linguistic studies benefitting from the theory and discuss a group of regional grammatical features which have provided the linguistic basis for cultural regionalization in Guangdong Province.


Author(s):  
Lena Baunaz

This chapter discusses the morphosyntax of French, Modern Greek, Serbo-Croatian, and Bulgarian complementizers equivalent to English that. From long-distance wh-extractions across complementizers in these languages, it is shown that (i) the morpheme complementizer is composed of features that are hierarchically ordered according to a functional sequence (fseq) (see Baunaz 2015, 2016a; Baunaz and Lander to appear); (ii) the complementizer morpheme lexicalizes structures of different sizes; (iii) the distribution of complementizers is governed by veridicality (see Baunaz 2015, 2016a); (iv) the complementizer morpheme is syntactically active. The basic template for complementizers that I argue for is F4 > F3 > F2 > F1. Evidence in favor of this template comes from crosslinguistic patterns of syncretism and featural Relativized Minimality (Starke 2001; Rizzi 2004; Haegeman 2010, among others). Evidence in favor of different realizations of the complementizer is provided by means of long-distance extractions across declarative embedded clauses.


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