Correspondence between XPs and Phonological Phrases

Bresnan (1971, 1972) establishes an interaction between stress assignment and syntactic movement. We are interested in a restriction on this interaction. We argue that this restriction shows that the constraint STRESS-XP needs to be part of the syntax-prosody mapping and that it needs to be a restriction on a correspondence relation between syntactic XPs and phonological phrases. (A second constraint on the correspondence relation is either WRAP-XP or MATCH-XP.) In the course of our argument, we analyze Bresnan’s interaction between stress assignment and movement within an account in which Internal Merge induces reconstruction effects at both LF and PF.

A New Volumetric Fusion Strategy with Adaptive Weight Field for RGB-D Reconstruction

High-quality 3D reconstruction results are very important in many application fields. However, current texture generation methods based on point sampling and fusion often produce blur. To solve this problem, we propose a new volumetric fusion strategy which can be embedded in the current online and offline reconstruction framework as a basic module to achieve excellent geometry and texture effects. The improvement comes from two aspects. Firstly, we establish an adaptive weight field to evaluate and adjust the reliability of data from RGB-D images by using a probabilistic and heuristic method. By using this adaptive weight field to guide the voxel fusion process, we can effectively preserve the local texture structure of the mesh, avoid wrong texture problems and suppress the influence of outlier noise on the geometric surface. Secondly, we use a new texture fusion strategy that combines replacement, integration, and fixedness operations to fuse and update voxel texture to reduce blur. Experimental results demonstrate that compared with the classical KinectFusion, our approach can significantly improve the accuracy in geometry and texture clarity, and can achieve equivalent texture reconstruction effects in real-time as the offline reconstruction methods such as intrinsic3d, even better in relief scenes.

On the Universality of Intrusive Resumption: Evidence from Chamorro and Palauan

The literature on resumptive pronouns (RPs) has given rise to a rich taxonomy of the phenomenon. Despite the fact that RPs invariably have the morphosyntactic form of ordinary pronouns, they vary widely in distribution and function. In some languages RPs are grammatically licensed; depending on the language and the syntactic context, they might or might not realize traces, compete with gaps, exhibit reconstruction effects, and so on. In other languages, notably English, RPs are ‘intrusive’ (Sells, 1984). Kroch (1981), Asudeh (2004), Morgan and Wagers (2018), and others have proposed that intrusive RPs in English are ungrammatical products of the performance system -- productions that satisfy local well- formedness but not global well-formedness. This account predicts that in every language, regardless of whether it has grammatically licensed RPs, intrusive RPs could also be found. Here we test this prediction against evidence from Chamorro and Palauan. Previous accounts have maintained that Chamorro does not have RPs and Palauan has only RPs. On the basis of corpus and elicited production data from Chamorro, and a re-examination of the Palauan evidence, we argue that both languages have grammatically licensed RPs, as well as intrusive RPs. Their grammatically licensed RPs differ in form and distribution. At least in Chamorro, the distribution of intrusive RPs produced is similar to that in English.

Phases, labeling, antilocality and intonational phrases: recomplementation in Spanish

This paper addresses recomplementation (i.e. double-complementizer constructions) in Spanish, comparing Latin American Spanish (LAS) and European Spanish (ES). I make the novel observation that in spite of a superficial difference whereby a lower que after a left dislocate (LD) surfaces in ES but not in LAS, LAS does have recomplementation. In fact, LAS patterns with ES in that there are two constructions in each variety, i.e. a construction in which an intonational break following the LD is present and a construction in which the break is absent. I argue that the constructions with the break differ from the constructions without it with regard to reconstruction effects, no insertion and the position of high adverbs, which arise due to a locality violation in the former but not in the latter. I propose a syntactic analysis in terms of phases and argue that the locality violation is circumvented in the constructions with no break via verb movement, which is not possible in the constructions with the break. I further propose a mapping from the syntactic structures of recomplementation into prosody that correlates with the presence/absence of the intonational break in these constructions, hence providing prosodic evidence for phasal structure more generally.