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Significance The timing of the release just days after an inconclusive election in Canada appears coincidental but, with campaigning now over, the newly returned Liberal government under Prime Minister Justin Trudeau is preparing to re-evaluate its relationship with China. Impacts China will draw the conclusion that strongarm tactics, including arbitrary detention of Canadian citizens, will work against Ottawa. There is a risk that distrust of the Beijing government may spill over into abuse of Canada’s Chinese diaspora. The Biden administration will remind Trudeau of the favour done by not requiring Canada to hand Meng over to US authorities.



2020 ◽  
pp. 118-145
Author(s):  
Xiaoqun Xu

Chapter 5 examines the continuation of the legal-judicial reform and its achievements and limitations under the Beijing government (1912–1927) and the Guomindang (GMD, or Nationalist Party) government (1927–1949). The Beijing government tried to implement an ambitious reform plan but failed to materialize it completely due to a lack of resources, among other problems. The GMD continued the reform but also instituted practices particular to its ideology of ruling the country through the party, including the invention of political offenses and their punishments through special laws and special courts. The durability of positive reform outcomes in those years is shown in the way the Chinese judiciary functioned in the Japanese-occupied territories during the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945).



Subject Mass protests in Hong Kong. Significance Chief Executive Carrie Lam has agreed to shelve a bill to allow extradition from Hong Kong to mainland China, after a wave of huge street protests. The bill’s opponents argued that it would erode Hong Kong’s judicial independence and could be used to prosecute critics of the Beijing government. Impacts China will sometimes handle political enemies in Hong Kong through extra-judicial detentions. Lam will be a much-damaged leader and lawmakers of both political camps will feel emboldened to challenge her initiatives. Lam is unlikely to resign unless Beijing weighs in, which would happen behind closed doors.



2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 246
Author(s):  
Ardian Bakhtiar Rivai

<p>This article aims to describe about my analysis of Cooper (2009) perspective in how we understand Taiwan as identity. There are two perspective that to see Taiwan in recent day. First of all, for nation who believe One China Policy, they assume that Taiwan is a province of People Republic of China which is Taiwan is part of Beijing government. Secondly, for nation who do not believe it, they assume that Taiwan is independence identity, a nation identity, and also sovereign country which is separated from mainland China influences. In this discourse about how we understand Taiwan,  this article is going to review from John F. Cooper which is in his book, Taiwan: nation state or province?. This book not only discuss how we can see Taiwan, however, how Taiwan in the future in political dynamic especially after US president Donald Trump who intent to support Taiwan as independence identity. </p>



2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-243 ◽  
Author(s):  
T.Y. Wang ◽  
Su-feng Cheng

AbstractSegregation has long been recognized as a source of ignorance which breeds negative feelings and hostility. This view maintains that interactions between members of different groups can foster social bonds and promote positive group relationship. Employing recently collected survey data, this study examines the effect of cross-Strait contacts on Taiwan citizens’ negative views toward Chinese citizens and the Beijing government. The empirical results show that casual encounters have no effect on the island residents’ general perception of China. Serious interactions in the form of friendship moderate their unfavorable feelings of Chinese citizens but have no effects on the perception of a hostile Beijing. Unless contacts can invoke true social bonds, frequent interactions do not have transformative effects on individuals’ political views. The moderating effect of contacts at the personal level is not transferable to a political entity when the latter is perceived as a suppressing agent.





Over its long history, China has had neither the concept of bankruptcy nor insolvency legislation under the traditional legal culture based on Confucianism. The first bankruptcy law was enacted in 1906 by the Qing Dynasty as one of the results of Chinese legal modernisation. It was tragically abolished in 1908 because of the internal debate on whether foreign claims should retain priority over domestic ones. After the 1911 Revolution the Beijing government tried to draft a new bankruptcy law but failed. In 1935 the Nanjing government enacted the second bankruptcy law which remains effective in Taiwan today.



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