egyptian iconography
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Eikon / Imago ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 229-239
Author(s):  
Mykola Tarasenko

The problem of the iconography of a unique image of a deity drawn on the Middle Kingdom rectangular coffin of Sepi III (Cairo CG 28083; B1C; Deir el-Bersha; CT VI, 386) is discussed in the article. It is possible that the god is the first known image of the syncretic double god Re-Osiris. The deity (with a head unusually for Egyptian iconography unfolded in full face) is shown sitting on a throne with the inscription “millions (of years)”. The image of this god could be a visual display of the eschatological plot described in Spell 1130 of the Coffin Texts (the union of Atum(-Re) and Osiris after destruction of the Universe) at the end in the Book of Two Ways, that is represented on the bottom of Sepi’s coffin.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Gard Granerød
Keyword(s):  

Abstract The article discusses the background and implications of the title “the God of Heaven” used as an epithet for YHW in Elephantine. It argues that one should look for the background in the winged symbol used in both Achaemenid and Egyptian iconography. In the Achaemenid–Egyptian context, the title “the God of Heaven” worked as a transmedial, textual reference to the winged symbol that was common to both Achaemenid and Egyptian iconography. In Egypt during the Achaemenid period, the reference of the winged symbol and the title “the God of Heaven” was ultimately the Achaemenid dynasty god Ahura Mazda and perhaps the Egyptian king-protector Horus-Behdety. In the identification of YHW with “the God of Heaven,” we witness an interpretatio persica et aegyptiaca of YHW into the supreme gods of the Achaemenids and the Egyptians.


Author(s):  
Nicola Harrington

Social status, religious affiliations and beliefs, wealth, power, aspirations, and desires were all expressed through ancient Egyptian iconography, but children and the process of growing up are rarely the main focus of artistic compositions. While the selectiveness of ancient sources may mean that we cannot reconstruct an accurate or comprehensive picture of the experience of childhood in ancient Egypt, figured ostraca and other imagery at least provide insights into the contribution children made to the economy and to family life in antiquity. This chapter explores the contexts in which children were depicted, to show that the lived reality of youth is accessible at least insofar as it was relevant to the medium, intended audience, or the context in which images were displayed.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-55
Author(s):  
Alexandre Alexandrovich Loktionov

AbstractThis article makes the case for an Egyptian connection in the Neo-Assyrian tablet VAT 10057, commonly known as the Underworld Vision of an Assyrian Prince. It opens with a discussion of past work on this tablet, a synopsis of the text, and a survey of the evidence for Egyptian people and culture in the Neo-Assyrian Empire. It then proceeds to analyse specific lines of the composition which may reveal signs of what is termed “Egyptianising” influence. One description in particular, featuring a god standing atop a crocodile, is highlighted as especially convincing on the basis of a very close match with contemporary Egyptian iconography of the god Horus. In the light of this principal evidence, other possible but less definitive examples are put forward. The article also discusses the nature of the “Egyptianising” elements, assessing the possibilities of both purely descriptive and conceptual connections with Egyptian culture, and what this might indicate about the people behind the text. The “Egyptianising” elements are also located in the broader context of the composition, and their place in a complex Mesopotamian text also incorporating some Elamite elements is considered. Overall, the article aims to demonstrate that some sort of Egyptian connection was present, although it concedes that its scale and nature are perhaps impossible to gauge. It is hoped that this piece will encourage other scholars to pursue connections between Egypt and Assyria with renewed vigour, demonstrating that textual analysis may prove fruitful in this area.


2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-91
Author(s):  
Carolina López-Ruiz

The Greek Gold Tablets (also called “Orphic Gold Tablets”), have often been compared with Egyptian funerary texts, especially those comprising theBook of the Dead. At the same time, North-West Semitic gold and silver leaves (Phoenician-Punic and Hebrew) with protective formulae offer a close parallel to them in aspects of their function and form. Although this group of funerary amulets are also said to follow Egyptian models, the three corpora have never been discussed together. Egyptian afterlife motifs and magical technologies may have indirectly influenced Greek Orphic funerary ideas and practices. I suggest, however, that this transmission happened through adaptations of Egyptian materials in the Phoenician-Punic realm, with evidence pointing to southern Italy and Sicily (Magna Graecia) as likely scenarios for this exchange. Intersections between Orphic and Phoenician cosmogony and the selective use of Egyptian iconography in Phoenician funerary amulets reinforce this hypothesis.


2014 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 195-203
Author(s):  
Piotr Czerkwiński

The beard first appeared in Egyptian iconography in the Early Dynastic period on the Narmer palette and remained a common feature thereafter. The pharaoh, as a god on earth, was a personification of perfection. Always crisp and clean-shaven, he represented both the Egyptian nation and divine power. His fake beard, which was attached with ribbons and was clearly visible on his images and reliefs, was one of the elements indicating his divine nature.Ordinary people also grew beards or moustaches. We can see stubble on the faces of men mostly engaged in physical work on a number of images on the walls of tombs. However, in these cases, the facial hair would not have indicated any godly qualities.Nevertheless, some depictions of the pharaoh are similar to those of simple men in that he also possesses stubble. This is most clearly seen on a number of ostracons from Deir el-Medina. However, if the pharaoh has stubble, its significance is quite different. Very few such unshaven images are known and published and only a small number of these are official depictions. The final such image that will be considered is the one found in KV 9 belonging to Pharaoh Rameses VI.


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