Power, shared goals and supplier flexibility: a study of the HUB-and-spoke supply chain

PurposeSupplier flexibility reflects a supplier's operations-related decisions in responsively providing the necessary inputs to the focal firm. Drawing on resource-dependency theory and transaction cost economics, this study develops a conceptual framework to explain the differential effects of a focal firm's power over supplier flexibility in the context of the hub-and-spoke supply chain (SC). This study also considers the goals shared between the focal firm and its suppliers as an important contingency factor within the framework.Design/methodology/approachThis study tests the proposed conceptual framework using dyadic survey data from a hub-and-spoke SC consisting of a large construction contractor and its 100 suppliers in Indonesia.FindingsThe findings show that coercive power has an inverted U-shaped effect on supplier flexibility, while legal-legitimate power has a U-shaped effect. Furthermore, shared goals positively moderate the U-shaped effect between legal-legitimate power and supplier flexibility.Originality/valueThis study differentiates between the impacts of coercive power and legal-legitimate power on supplier flexibility in the hub-and-spoke SC. It also demonstrates that shared goals play a moderating role in affecting the impacts of legal-legitimate power on supplier flexibility. These findings also have important implications with regard to integrating resource-dependency theory and transaction cost economics to explain these associations.

KONSEPSI DAN INTERNALISASI NILAI POWER AND AUTHORITY DALAM PENDIDIKAN PESANTREN

Artikel ini mengelaborasi konsepsi dan internalisasi nilai power and authority dalam konteks pendidikan di pesantren. Kekuasaan (power) adalah kesempatan amanah bagi individu atau sekelompok orang untuk menyadarkan individu atau kelompok lain untuk menerima kemauan yang mereka inginkan baik dengan cara memaksa ataupun legitimasi kesadaran dari individu lainnya. Authority atau otoritas yakni hak untuk melakukan sesuatu atau memerintahkan orang lain untuk melakukan atau tidak melakukan sesuatu dengan tujuan agar misi dari lembaga tercapai dengan baik. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan penelitian kualitatif dan menggunakan teknik pengumpulan data berupa observasi, wawancara dan dokumentasi. Tipe atau sumber power and authority yang digunakan oleh kiai pondok pesantren Miftahul Ulum yakni, referent power, reward power, coercive power, legitimate power dan expert power. Ke lima tipe dan sumber kekuasaan dan otoritas tersebut menjadi penguat dalam peran manajerial seorang kiai dan bagi pengembangan pondok pesantren.

Policy making e apprendimento di capacità politiche della società civile. Il terzo settore nella riforma lombarda dell’assistenza

After a period of general fervour for social capital, civil society and NGOs’ involvement, current literature is more cautious, trying to test the outcomes of networks’ participation on the quality of democracy. Third Sector political capabilities for voice, negotiation, lobbying and campaigning are very important variables. The article focuses on the formation of these capabilities in a contentious process of policymaking. Starting on a case study in the Lombardy Region, it shows how conditions, mechanisms and processes of Third Sector engagements play a role in the learning and gradual change of political capabilities. Particularly, it stresses the relevance of deliberative arenas for third sector coordination and reflexivity. Looking at the political outcomes in the implementation of the Social Care Reform at the Regional level, the article formulates a hypothesis about the policy dependency of Third Sector legitimate power.

The framing of power in communicative planning theory: Analysing the work of John Forester, Patsy Healey and Judith Innes

In this paper, I analyse the framing of power in streams of communicative planning influenced by American pragmatism, sociological institutionalism and alternative dispute resolution. While scholars have heavily debated Habermasian communicative planning theory, the broader conception of power across these linked, but distinct, streams of the theory remains to be explicated. Through analysis of 40 years’ of publishing by John Forester, Patsy Healey and Judith Innes – widely cited representatives of these three streams – a broader account of the treatment of power in communicative planning is established. The analysis shows that the streams of communicative planning provide distinct approaches to power with a joint focus on criticising conflictual illegitimate power over and developing ideas for how consensual power with might arise through agency in the micro practices of planning. Even if communicative planning thereby offers more for reflections on power than critics have acknowledged, the theory still leaves conceptual voids regarding constitutive power to and legitimate power over.

The Rule of Law in the Athenian Demokratia: Origins, History, and Oratory

<p>According to Aristotle, demokratia is an invalid form of constitution unless it operates in conjunction with the rule of law. Historically, the idea of the rule of law was connected with wealthy elites in Athens. However, after a series of upheavals between the Athenian mass and elites, the demos accepted the rule of law as a valid check on demotic power. Rule of law required legal codification, which outlined a framework within which democratic law functioned. The Athenian law court became the arena for enforcing the law, thereby ridding the city of negative socio/political influences. Hybris, political corruption, and general questions of legality all came under the power of the democratic courts of law, which exerted the legitimate power of the combined community. Nevertheless, tradition maintained a strong influence on law, especially in the law courts. Bound up in legal arguments were ideas of Athenian identity and it became accepted that the juries would assess the character of the accused against the character of the Athenian demos in the course of making its decision. Athenian elites who previously continued feuds extra-legally submitted to the law courts, which offered an arena for dispute resolution. Ultimately, the rule of law in the Athenian demokratia upheld Athenian law, created a legal framework, and allowed personal and political disputes to be settled before they dissolved into stasis, offering the Athenian demokratia its most successful mechanism for creating social, political, and legal, stability.</p>

The Rule of Law in the Athenian Demokratia: Origins, History, and Oratory

<p>According to Aristotle, demokratia is an invalid form of constitution unless it operates in conjunction with the rule of law. Historically, the idea of the rule of law was connected with wealthy elites in Athens. However, after a series of upheavals between the Athenian mass and elites, the demos accepted the rule of law as a valid check on demotic power. Rule of law required legal codification, which outlined a framework within which democratic law functioned. The Athenian law court became the arena for enforcing the law, thereby ridding the city of negative socio/political influences. Hybris, political corruption, and general questions of legality all came under the power of the democratic courts of law, which exerted the legitimate power of the combined community. Nevertheless, tradition maintained a strong influence on law, especially in the law courts. Bound up in legal arguments were ideas of Athenian identity and it became accepted that the juries would assess the character of the accused against the character of the Athenian demos in the course of making its decision. Athenian elites who previously continued feuds extra-legally submitted to the law courts, which offered an arena for dispute resolution. Ultimately, the rule of law in the Athenian demokratia upheld Athenian law, created a legal framework, and allowed personal and political disputes to be settled before they dissolved into stasis, offering the Athenian demokratia its most successful mechanism for creating social, political, and legal, stability.</p>

Powerful or Powerless? Chief Online Education Officers’ Legitimate Power over Online Program Quality in U.S. Higher Education Institutions

As the online higher-education market continues along its trajectory of steady growth, it becomes increasingly competitive. Since quality sets online programs apart in the current competitive market, it is a priority for higher-education institutions. Consequently, presidents and provosts at many U.S. higher education institutions have been placing the quality of online program administration under the purview of a new role known under the umbrella term of chief online education officer (COEO). However, when looking for empirical research to help calibrate the COEO role in a way that maximizes its influence on quality, senior leaders find a gap in the literature. The purpose of this quantitative, correlative, non-experimental study was to ask COEOs from all over the nation to use the Online Learning Consortium Quality Scorecard (QSC) to share their perceptions of the quality of their institution’s online program. Additionally, COEOs were asked to self-assess their ability to influence quality based on their legitimate power and to describe environmental factors that could potentially impact their legitimate power. Key findings indicate a strong, positive correlation between overall legitimate power and overall quality, as well as between overall legitimate power and the hierarchy of COEO job titles (E1). Additional environmental factors significantly correlated with legitimate power categories included the number of units making a full report to the COEO (E3) and the breadth of COEO’s current portfolio of responsibilities (E12), among others. Finally, data indicate that the hardest quality category to influence is technical support.

Maneuvering without offending on the road to democracy: the role of leaders' power in bringing greater freedom to all

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to expand understanding of how leaders can use their power to reshape macro-level structures to foster individuals' freedoms and build more democratic workplaces. The importance of freedom in work and life can hardly be argued with, yet current democracy scores are the lowest that have ever been recorded (Economist Intelligence Unit, 2019).Design/methodology/approachThe authors analyzed two cases of successful democratization, Spain and Lithuania, where they conducted a total of 65 semi-structured interviews with different actors including the top leaders themselves. A combined inductive-deductive analysis of the in-depth qualitative data highlighted how using different dimensions of power (French and Raven, 1959) related to distributing power to others.FindingsThese findings extend understanding of how leaders can use their power to effectively distribute power to others and reach a democracy that fosters freedom. Information and referent power were crucial for aligning the different stakeholder groups, expert power emerged as key for building and empowering a network of support and legitimate power was essential for fostering peaceful and long-lasting changes toward democracy.Originality/valueWhile previous research has recognized the importance of leadership and politics for instigating macro-level changes, this study specifies how leaders can utilize their different sources of power to bring greater power and freedom to individuals by unpacking the unique impacts of each type of power. This study thus provides practical insights for leaders seeking to establish more democratic workplaces.

Tiesu varas jēdziens leģitimācijas kontekstā

In a democratic state, which is guided by the rule of law, the bodies of state draw their legitimate power from sovereign, including judiciary bodies. Therefore, the opinion of nation is of a critical importance. The aim of this paper is to find out whether the examined aspects of democratic legitimacy require judiciary to communicate with the society. In order to achieve this aim, the author will analyse historical reasons behind society’s trust in judiciary on the basis of philosophical categories. The author applies historical and analytical methods.

Florence and Rome

In more than one way, Dante’s trajectory goes from Florence to Rome. In Par. XXXI, he describes the movement of his life as a journey ‘from Florence to a people just and sane’, which he compares to Rome. This itinerary finds a correspondence in the evolution of his political thinking. Dante begins confronting politics as a Guelph, within the horizon of his own city-commune, and comes to a view—shared by some Ghibellines—in which universal empire is the only legitimate power. This chapter discusses the coherence of this trajectory by analyzing some passages of Dante’s works in which Florence and Rome are mentioned together, drawing out some of the tensions and contradictions.