donor relations
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2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (9) ◽  
pp. 1-1
Author(s):  
Megan Venzin
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-65
Author(s):  
David Harris ◽  
Felix Marco Conteh

AbstractSince the cessation of conflict in 2002, Sierra Leone has experienced extraordinary levels of involvement from Western donors. Paradoxically, while relationships are often portrayed on the ground as strong with significant donor influence, our research shows considerable fluidity in individual and institutional relationships. The article disaggregates donor–government relations at various levels over a short but crucial period, 2010–16, asking in each case who occupies the driving seat. In so doing, the article interrogates the concept of ‘extraversion’, investigating to what extent government – and indeed donors – has space in which to manoeuvre and how and why government and donors act as they do in this space. The period 2010–16 is of particular interest due to extreme iron ore price volatility and the Ebola epidemic of 2014–15. The article adds much-needed critique and empirical evidence to the debate on donor influence and ‘extraversion’.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johnny Flentø ◽  
Leonardo Santos Simao

As a sovereign country, Mozambique initially relied on international solidarity and managed its donor relations well. Donor dependency entailed some loss of agency for the government as it allowed donors to challenge its capacity but never its authority. However, in the last decade, donor countries have expressed disappointment with reforms and challenged the government’s legitimacy. This is not only because of developments in Mozambique. Donor countries have become less enthusiastic about long-term, harmonized development cooperation and less concerned with aid effectiveness for poverty alleviation and inclusive growth. Aid budgets are under pressure and development finance is linked more to other donor countries’ foreign policy concerns, especially security and commerce. Mozambique should expect increasing instrumentalization of aid budgets by donors. It must be able to address its partners’ concerns other than those of poverty alleviation, human rights, and democracy and carefully weigh conflicting interests of its partners against its own long-term interests. The institutions Mozambique developed to deal with donors are not well suited to today’s challenges. They focus on less relevant areas of the relationship with foreign countries, which often serve other agendas. Reforms could start with strengthening Mozambique’s foreign service as a genuine coordinator of foreign relations and the establishment of greater discipline around national plans and strategies. Institutionalizing strong links between the foreign ministry and key economic ministries under the leadership of the prime minister could help.


Significance Mutharika and the DPP are facing a strengthened opposition front, with former President Joyce Banda (2012-14) and her People’s Party (PP) formally entering into an alliance with the main opposition Malawi Congress Party (MCP) and their leader Lazarus Chekwera. The newer United Transformation Movement (UTM), led by Vice-President Saulos Chilima, is also set to be competitive. Impacts Despite cases of intimidation and politically related violence, the elections are likely to be largely peaceful. Post-poll revelations of more government overspends could see a further deterioration in donor relations. A close result in either the presidential or legislative polls will likely result in fraud accusations by the losing candidate or party. The rollout of a contentious land reform bill could cost the government support at the polls.


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