government relations
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2022 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-29
Author(s):  
Aos Yuli Firdaus

As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. The Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released, the joint training was canceled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were canceled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-134
Author(s):  
Carlotta J. Hübener

Abstract This paper investigates the diachronic evolution of lexically complex graphemic units in Middle Low German – sequences that once occurred written as one word, but from today’s perspective are considered separate linguistic units. Examples are enwolde ‘did not want’ or isset ‘is it’. This phenomenon has received little attention, although it gives direct insight into the word concept of German and its diachronic change. The central question is what favors the perception of multiple words as a unit. Data from the Reference Corpus Middle Low German/Low Rhenish (1200–1650) show that it is mainly function words that occur in lexically complex graphemic units. Moreover, this study shows that besides from prosodic patterns, agreement and government relations reinforce lexical sequences to be perceived as linguistic units.


Author(s):  
Bariki Gwalugano Mwasaga ◽  

Tanzania in embarking the decentralization by devolution policy (D by D) as a mechanism of facilitating quick development process through the involvement of people from grass root levels has been carried out through the inter-government relations between the central government and the local government authorities (LGAs). Throughout its implementation there had been a supportive structural set up, including a constitutional mandate for local governments. Also, there has been an increased recognition of LGAs by central and sector ministries as partners rather than subordinate structures. However, the lack of a clear and effective institutional framework to govern the implementation of D by D and the lack of a shared understanding of D by D across ministries and other governmental institutions has made led to structural confusion between the Central government and the Local Government Authorities. Thus, this paper explores the undertakings of the inter-government relations between the central government and the local government authorities (LGAs) in order to forge a way forward for a inclusive and responsive governance in the country.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurence Ferry ◽  
Mark Sandford

PurposeThe relationship between central and sub-national (local) government is contentious around distribution of power and control. There is a specific concern when a (local) place has power devolved, but centralised hierarchical accountability pervades.Design/methodology/approachThis paper addresses that concern by considering recent innovative developments around place-based accountability arrangements in England, through analysis of official reports and news media.FindingsThe article illustrates aspirations towards accountability to the local electorate clash with hierarchical accountability that remains an omnipresent mechanism of central control. It is suggested, accountability forums be developed to blend hierarchy and the place leadership role of directly elected mayors. This could enable local accountability to the electorate, whilst taking account of the context of specific regional level complexities.Originality/valueThis is one of the first papers to consider issues of place leadership and place based accountability within the framework of hierarchical accountability for central and local government relations.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lior Lehrs

Abstract How do disasters influence conflict and diplomacy in conflict areas? The scholarship shows that while they can provide opportunities for cooperation and ‘disaster diplomacy’ between parties to a conflict, they can also intensify tension and hostility. This article uses the Israeli–Palestinian conflict during the COVID-19 pandemic as a case study, exploring the impact of the crisis on relations between the rival parties and examining the conditions under which an ongoing pandemic might lead to either conflict or cooperation in a conflict area. The research is based on within-case analysis, comparing three conflict arenas: Israel–Palestinian Authority relations in the West Bank; relations between Israel and the Palestinian community in East Jerusalem; and Israel–Hamas government relations in the Gaza strip. The article outlines the possibilities and limitations of ‘disaster diplomacy’ in intractable conflicts and contributes to the literature by identifying how different contexts, relations and actors in each conflict arena affect the development of patterns of conflict and cooperation with regard to the pandemic. The study analyses the factors that shape how the pandemic affects the conflict, and the COVID-19-related diplomacy, in each sub-case, with attention to three main variables: the structure of the conflict arena, domestic politics and the developments in the pandemic. The analysis addresses the unique conditions of an ongoing global pandemic, as opposed to an isolated disaster event, and traces the changing impact of the pandemic on the conflict and on disaster-related cooperation at various stages.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincent Homburg ◽  
Rebecca Moody

Purpose In this study, the authors explain citizens’ adoption of social media in citizen–government relations in China, a country that blends an authoritarian governance regime with limited tolerance of and responsiveness to online citizen participation. Design/methodology/approach Original survey data were gathered using a vignette survey among 307 respondents living in the People’s Republic of China. Multivariate analysis of the data was used to test four hypotheses and identify antecedents of Chinese citizens’ social media adoption for “thin” participation purposes. Findings Citizens’ perceived impact of “thin” participation, citizens’ skills and capabilities and citizens’ trust in institutions are significantly associated with citizens’ social media adoption. Social media anxiety was found not to be associated with Chinese citizens’ social media adoption. Research limitations/implications This study demonstrates how vignettes can be used to study adoption of technological and institutional innovations in an authoritarian governance regime and how in this context existing adoption theories can be extended with notions of institutional trust to adequately explain citizens’ adoption of technological and institutional innovations in citizen–government relations. Social implications Although some argue that social media activity could potentially mitigate democratic deficits caused by the state, in the case of China, the intertwinement of state and social media platform renders this argument unsustainable. Originality/value This study is one of the few systematic survey studies focusing on Chinese citizens’ adoption of social media in citizen–government relations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 343-355
Author(s):  
Mohammad Eisa Ruhullah ◽  
Dyah Mutiarin

Indonesia is one of the first nations to formally acknowledging Bangladesh's independence that is in February 1972. However, there is lacking scientific study on both government relations. To solve the Rohingya crisis in Bangladesh from Myanmar. This study analyzes the roles of alliances in government relationships between Bangladesh and Indonesia in the epoch of prime minister Shaikh Hasina and President Joko Widodo, the Rohingya refugee (2017-2020). This qualitative research operates secondary data; Qualitative Descriptive (QD) is a form used in the qualitative study for comprehensive thoughts, expressly regulating the relevant phenomena. The research questions, what kind of challenges Indonesia and Bangladesh friendship faced on the Rohingya issue? How did both nations overcome, and what are the roles in their governmental alliances played? The study found that both countries have effective diplomatic administrative regulations. Indonesian government's efforts in the case of Rohingya are very active compared to other Asian countries. In reply to the Rohingya emigrant crisis and the maintaining of reciprocal settlement with the Bangladesh government in focusing of Indonesia diplomacy, is to find the arrangement of the refugee dilemma by approaching the root elements of the puzzle and intensifying the collaboration in determining the crisis. In short, the Bangladesh government appreciated the efforts of the Indonesian authority by mutual relationships even the friendship is upon the reciprocal agreement. It suggests that both governments should maintain an equal or more friendly bilateral settlement to keep these diplomatic relations effective and fruitful for both nations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-292
Author(s):  
Andi Fitri Rahmadany

The Indonesian e-Government index for 2020 is internationally ranked 88, up 19 points from the previous ranking of 107 in 2018. This increase results from e-Government implementing agencies and an increase in public participation and contributions from research institutions. It always contributes to e-Government issues theoretically and practically. The results of studies related to the implementation of e-Government are also needed to answer the current problems and become a reference of e-Government development following Indonesian conditions. This study explores the studies that have been carried out during the last five years using the perspective of Indonesia's e-Government Ranking (PeGI), namely the dimensions of policy, institutional, application, infrastructure, and planning. The study used a literature review method with data sources obtained on the Garuda Ristek portal BRIN-Indonesian Publication Index. The number of articles collected was 45 articles which were then grouped based on the PeGI dimension, research methods, and types of e-Government relations. The results show that the perspective of the dimensions of the Indonesian e-Government Ranking can be a reference to see a picture of the conditions of e-Government implementation and the influencing factors. Furthermore, studies related to e-government issues can provide input information and recommendations for solutions to e-Government administrators. Therefore, it is necessary to increase the number of studies on e-Government in Indonesia supported by the government and related institutions to improve the quality of Indonesian e-Government.


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