LEMBAGA WALI NANGGROE ANTARA PERAN ADAT DAN POLITIK: SUATU ANALISIS TERHADAP QANUN ACEH NOMOR 10 TAHUN 2019 PERUBAHAN KEDUA ATAS QANUN ACEH NOMOR 8 TAHUN 2012 TENTANG LEMBAGA WALI NANGGROE

The birth of Qanun number 17 of 2013 concerning the Aceh Truth and Reconciliation Commission is the result of a derivative of Law number 11 of 2006 concerning the Government of Aceh (UUPA), which is a derivative of the result of the Helsinki Peace Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the Republic of Indonesia (RI) and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) on August 15, 2005 in Helsinki, Finland. This paper discusses the opportunities for the Acehnese Conflict Survivors/Victims Association as Social Capital in the existence of Qanun number 17 of 2013 to settle the fulfillment of the rights of victims of human rights violations that occurred in Aceh in the period 1976-2005. This type of research is a qualitative research. The process of collecting data using the method of observation of the object of research related to the one being studied, interviews starting from listening, arranging words, and summarizing the results of the interviews without losing the substance of the information conveyed by the informants. The data analysis technique in this study used descriptive techniques using data reduction. The results of this study indicate that from its journey, especially after the Aceh Peace, SPKP-HAM Aceh was present in various issues related to human rights violations during the Aceh conflict, especially after the Aceh peace. The birth of Qanun number 17 of 2013 was a part of the SPKP-HAM advocacy with other institutions as well as Acehnese students in 2010 during the occupation of the Aceh DPR building. Furthermore, various issues regarding the fulfillment of the rights of victims of human rights violations, this organization also criticizes government policies that do not take sides with victims of conflict.

PAGUYUBAN KORBAN KONFLIK SEBAGAI MODAL SOSIAL DALAM EKSISTENSI QANUN NOMOR 17 TAHUN 2013

The birth of Qanun number 17 of 2013 concerning the Aceh Truth and Reconciliation Commission is the result of a derivative of Law number 11 of 2006 concerning the Government of Aceh (UUPA), which is a derivative of the result of the Helsinki Peace Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the Republic of Indonesia (RI) and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) on August 15, 2005 in Helsinki, Finland. This paper discusses the opportunities for the Acehnese Conflict Survivors/Victims Association as Social Capital in the existence of Qanun number 17 of 2013 to settle the fulfillment of the rights of victims of human rights violations that occurred in Aceh in the period 1976-2005. This type of research is a qualitative research. The process of collecting data using the method of observation of the object of research related to the one being studied, interviews starting from listening, arranging words, and summarizing the results of the interviews without losing the substance of the information conveyed by the informants. The data analysis technique in this study used descriptive techniques using data reduction. The results of this study indicate that from its journey, especially after the Aceh Peace, SPKP-HAM Aceh was present in various issues related to human rights violations during the Aceh conflict, especially after the Aceh peace. The birth of Qanun number 17 of 2013 was a part of the SPKP-HAM advocacy with other institutions as well as Acehnese students in 2010 during the occupation of the Aceh DPR building. Furthermore, various issues regarding the fulfillment of the rights of victims of human rights violations, this organization also criticizes government policies that do not take sides with victims of conflict.

Lydia’s silence: Representation of trauma from an ex-centric position in Achmat Dangor’s Bitter Fruit

South Africa, a place long caught in the crosshairs of hegemonic violence and racism, provides a fitting case study for the imbalance and marginalization of the traumatized individuals who lived through the fascist apartheid regime. Achmat Dangor’s celebrated novel Bitter Fruit (2001) is a tragic story of the coloured family of Silas Ali set during 1998; when Nelson Mandela’s presidency was gaining momentum in South Africa. It was a period when the violent and discriminatory apartheid regime was coming to an end and a fledgling democracy was still testing its wings in South Africa. The narrative of Bitter Fruit is centred around the silenced memory of Lydia’s rape, Silas’s wife, by a white security policeman called Francois du Boise. The novel begins with Lydia’s suppressed traumatic past erupting into the post-apartheid present when Silas accidentally encounters his wife’s rapist at a mall in Johannesburg thereby bringing back the traumatic memories of the past. Nineteen-year-old Mikey Ali, who is a child conceived in shame and terror, is the figurative ‘bitter fruit’ in the novel born of miscegenation and apartheid abuse. Lydia’s trauma haunts the family in complex ways ultimately leading to the disintegration of familial bonds. These personal experiences of trauma take place against the backdrop of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), a famous but controversial reparative model of justice. The proposed research article aims to understand trauma from the ex-centric position of a coloured woman who refuses to allow her personal experiences of trauma to be undermined and defined as merely wartime ‘collateral damage’. Lydia resists the reductionist approach that the members of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) had adopted while dealing with cases related to violence and human rights abuses. In the beginning, dialogue and discourses on trauma centred mainly around extremely unusual events but now trauma theories have infiltrated co

Historical Policy of the Roh Moo-hyun’s Government in South Korea: Seeking Reconciliation with the Past

Historical policy was one of the main directions of the domestic policy of the Roh Moo-hyuns government (2003-2008). The ideological justification of revising the 20th century history of Korea was the idea of building a new Korean society based on the principles of democracy and the rule of civil rights and freedoms. Through the implementation of a new historical policy the Roh Moo-hyuns government tried to prove that the creation of such a society was impossible without revealing the truth about the historical past, in which the state repeatedly neglected civil rights and committed crimes. Increased attention to issues of restoration of the historical justice is typical for the current government of Moon Jae-in, the political successor of Roh Moo-hyun. Based on the analysis of the governmental documents, legislation this paper reveals the main disagreements between political parties of the Republic of Korea around the establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, identifies the key results of its activities.

Considering Indigenous Environmental Issues in Canadian Curricula: A Critical Discourse Analysis

This article presents insights from a curricular review of Canada’s ten provinces and three territories with a focus on critical Indigenous environmental issues. This inquiry was conducted amidst nationally prominent events and socio-ecological movements such as the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Idle No More and numerous oil and gas pipeline protests. We share findings revealed through this review informed by Eisner’s (2002) three curricula—the explicit, implicit and null—and a qualitative critical discourse analysis methodology.

The Theatre of Regret: Literature, Art, and the Politics of Reconciliation in Canada

This article reviews David Gaertner’s The Theatre of Regret: Literature, Art, and the Politics of Reconciliation in Canada, positioning it a much needed addition to the national discussion and debate about the Canadian Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

Victim Participation at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia: Challenges to the Civil Party Framework and Lessons for the Future

<p>This paper examines the victim participation framework at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC or Court), established to deal with crimes during the Khmer Rouge regime. The background which has led to the creation of the ECCC will be explained, before the paper will look at the way the Court is structured to include civil parties. The Court has consistently limited the civil parties’ role since its establishment and these limitations and the justifications are outlined in the paper. Solutions in the context of the ECCC are then considered, although due to the political environment, no changes in favour of victim rights are likely. Future models are considered, with the benefits of a Truth and Conciliation Commission’s analysed by looking at Sierra Leone and East Timor, as examples of successful frameworks where both a Court and a Truth and Reconciliation Commission proceeded simultaneously. This paper concludes that although every situation requiring a judicial response will be different, the option of having both a Court and a Truth and Reconciliation Commission can fulfil multiple victim needs.</p>

Victim Participation at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia: Challenges to the Civil Party Framework and Lessons for the Future

<p>This paper examines the victim participation framework at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC or Court), established to deal with crimes during the Khmer Rouge regime. The background which has led to the creation of the ECCC will be explained, before the paper will look at the way the Court is structured to include civil parties. The Court has consistently limited the civil parties’ role since its establishment and these limitations and the justifications are outlined in the paper. Solutions in the context of the ECCC are then considered, although due to the political environment, no changes in favour of victim rights are likely. Future models are considered, with the benefits of a Truth and Conciliation Commission’s analysed by looking at Sierra Leone and East Timor, as examples of successful frameworks where both a Court and a Truth and Reconciliation Commission proceeded simultaneously. This paper concludes that although every situation requiring a judicial response will be different, the option of having both a Court and a Truth and Reconciliation Commission can fulfil multiple victim needs.</p>