Conclusion

The referendum came onto the agenda in the UK in the final quarter of the nineteenth century, and it has never entirely disappeared from it, either as a proposition or a working device. Use of the referendum in the UK was conceived of and presented both as a natural extension of the principle of democracy that was then taking hold, and as a means of offsetting perceived defects with the representative variant of popular government that had developed. In particular, it was seen as a safeguard against the manipulative impact of parties that might lead the parliamentary system to serve the ends of factions within the elite above the people. It might enable the public to vote for a particular party with which they were broadly sympathetic without needing to endorse their entire programme; and would mean that a government could not implement measures of major significance to which a majority objected. It was largely envisaged as likely to have a conservative impact, creating a new and final means by which change might be blocked. Yet its appeal spread across the political spectrum; as did opposition to it....

Pressure and experimentation

Chapter 2 covers 1945–1979, a period during which referendums progressed from being relatively neglected as a concept in Britain to actually being deployed. Between 1945 and the early 1970s, the idea of holding a major referendum was absent from the forefront of the UK political agenda. But as we will see, the proposition simmered and revived over time. Then between 1973 and 1979, four such votes took place: on the constitutional status of Northern Ireland (1973); on whether or not the UK should continue to participate in the European Community (or ‘Common Market’, in 1975); and on whether or not devolution should be implemented in Scotland and Wales (both 1979). The chapter considers why referendums occurred, and their implications for British politics and for the British constitution.

Reform and Europe

No referendums took place between 1979 and 1997. During much of the 1980s the idea of using this device failed to attract the level of interest it had in some earlier periods. But, in the following decade, the referendum began to gain currency once more. After Labour returned to office in 1997, the Tony Blair administration became the most extensive utilizer of the mechanism to date, holding five in total (though none at UK level). Reflecting the establishment of the referendum as a firmer part of the UK constitution, a more consistent framework for this practice was introduced. After 2004, the Labour governments did not use referendums again. However, the device returned from 2011. During the tenure of David Cameron, as Prime Minister in a coalition (2010–2015) and then a Conservative administration (2015–2016), four referendums were held.

Emergent Democracy

Chapter 1 considers how the idea of using referendums came onto the political agenda, and how on a number of occasions its imminent entry into use seemed plausible but did not take place. Important figures such as Albert Venn Dicey, Joseph Chamberlain, Arthur Balfour, Stanley Baldwin, Herbert Henry Asquith, and Winston Churchill played a part in events. Even without being held, the prospect of referendums had an impact on British political thought, words, and actions. There was also practical use of the device: at local level, and as part of external initiatives in which Britain played a part. The referendum could come to the forefront of political attention, recede and then return to it again. Though the extent of its prominence varied, once it appeared on the political landscape the referendum was, in some form, a continual presence.

Introduction

This book was conceived of and written during a protracted episode of political turmoil. The period of disruption in question was triggered by the use of a democratic device; one which asks members of the public to choose between options with respect to a given decision. It is known as a referendum. This particular popular vote was held on 23 June 2016 across Great Britain, Northern Ireland, and Gibraltar. The ballot paper read: ‘[s]hould the United Kingdom remain a member of the European Union or leave the European Union?’ Of those who could have voted (rounded to two decimal places), 72.15 per cent took part and cast valid votes (that is, 33,551,983 of a total of 46,501,241), a higher proportion than at any General Election since 1992 (77.71)....