Parliamentary democracy and citizen's welfare in Nigeria: The case of National Assembly

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bonn Obiekwe Nwanolue ◽  
Victor Chidubem Iwuoha ◽  
Onyinyeomachukwu Gift Uwaechie ◽  
Okorie Albert
2019 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hoolo 'Nyane

ABSTRACT Lesotho has a bicameral parliamentary system based on the British model. While the National Assembly is clearly a representative House elected by the citizenry, the purpose, structure and legislative powers of the Senate as the Second Chamber have been a matter of considerable controversy throughout the history of parliamentary democracy in the country. The National Assembly generally has the upper hand not only in the legislative process but also in the broader parliamentary system - it chooses the Prime Minister, it places its confidence in the government and it can withdraw such confidence. The fact that the model generally gives the National Assembly the upper hand is a matter of common cause. What is in question, though, is the nature and extent of the limitation of the powers of the Senate in terms of the Constitution. This article investigates this question and contends that the composition of, and restrictions on, the Senate need to be reviewed in order to enable the Chamber to play a meaningful role in Lesotho's parliamentary democracy . Key words: Constitution of Lesotho, Bicameralism, Senate, National Assembly, Powers of the Second Chamber


Author(s):  
Peter C. Caldwell

The revolution of 1918 produced the basic decisions of Germany’s National Assembly in the Weimar Constitution: for parliamentary democracy, a more centralized state, and basic rights—including social rights. The National Assembly sought a form of parliamentary democracy that would ensure both stability and democratic change. It rejected both American presidentialism and French parliamentarianism in favour of a hybrid that balanced a president directly elected by the people with a strong Reichstag composed of representatives elected by proportional voting. The president’s emergency powers could be used if the Reichstag were divided to stabilize democracy, while the Reichstag had the power to rescind emergency acts and to remove the government. The constitution’s section on basic rights was extensive, eventually including fifty-seven articles. Among them were individual rights, the rights of family and youth, religious rights, and labour rights. The aim was a ‘social catechism’ of ethical and social aims that could unite the nation. The Weimar Constitution opened up democratic possibilities for Germany. The fact that its opponents were able to use its framework to undermine the Reichstag and to bring about democracy’s demise is a matter of politics and political culture rather than a matter of constitutional structure.


Moreana ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 49 (Number 187- (1-2) ◽  
pp. 151-182
Author(s):  
Maarten M.K. Vermeir

In this study, we propose a new understanding, according to the principles of ‘humanistic interpretation’, of a fundamental layer of meaning in Utopia. In the work of Thomas More, major references can be found to the particular genesis and a crucial purpose of Utopia. Desiderius Erasmus arranged the acquaintance of Thomas More with Peter Giles, a key figure in the development of Erasmus as political thinker. More and Giles together in Antwerp (Giles’s home town), both jurists and humanists, would lay the foundation of Utopia. With this arranged contact, Erasmus handed over to More the knowledge of a particular political system - the earliest form of ‘parliamentary democracy’ in Early modern Europe - embedded in the political culture of the Duchy of Brabant and its constitution, named the ‘Joyous Entry’. We argue that Erasmus, through the indispensable politicalliterary skills of More in Utopia, intended to promote this political system as a new, political philosophy: applicable to all nations in the Respublica Christiana of Christian humanism. With reference to this genesis of Utopia in the text itself and its prefatory letters, we come to a clear recognition of Desiderius Erasmus in the figure of Raphael Hythlodaeus, the sailor who had discovered the ‘isle of Utopia’ and discoursed, as reported by More, about its ‘exemplary’ institutions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 212-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Osmond

This paper examines the electoral and ideological contest that has taken place between Welsh Labour and Plaid Cymru in the five National Assembly elections that have been held between 1999 and 2016. Both parties have found success when they have managed to combine effective leadership with a coherent programme and a strong sense of Welsh identity. However, the Welsh vote to leave the EU in the June 2016 referendum has dealt both parties a poor hand in speaking up for Welsh interests. Can they find a common cause in working together and also with Scotland to take Wales forward in a progressive constitutional direction?


Asian Survey ◽  
1971 ◽  
Vol 11 (6) ◽  
pp. 544-561
Author(s):  
Byung-kyu Woo ◽  
Chong Lim Kim
Keyword(s):  

Asian Survey ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 37 (6) ◽  
pp. 575-589 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zillur R. Khan

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