Donald Trump, Niccolò Machiavelli, the Establishment, and the People: Words of Advice and Warning from The Prince

2021 ◽  
pp. 133-153
Author(s):  
William Landon
2017 ◽  
Vol 111 (1) ◽  
pp. 204-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN P. MCCORMICK

T his article argues against prevailing scholarly trends that theFlorentine Historiescontinues to delineate the ways through which Niccolò Machiavelli, inThe Princeand theDiscourses, advised potential founders or reformers to exploit, for their own benefit and that of their patria, the inevitable social conflicts between elites and the people that arise in all polities. Machiavelli demonstrates that, in particular, Giano della Bella and Michele di Lando could and should have attempted to imitate exemplary ancient founders and reformers whom he praises in previous works, especially Moses, Romulus, and Brutus. Machiavelli implicitly criticizes Giano and Michele for failing to spiritedly invigorate new laws with necessary and salutary violence; for neglecting to effectively manage the “envy” of rival peers; for not resisting the allure of “middle ways” between difficult political choices; and for failing to militarily organize or mobilize the entirety of Florence's common people.


2014 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 123-145
Author(s):  
Ivan Matic

The purpose of this paper is to introduce the concept of social discord, based on the analysis of early chapters of Niccolo Machiavelli?s Discourses on Livy. I argue that, by deriving a broader philosophical concept from Machiavelli?s peculiar position that strife between the plebs and the senate made the Roman republic free and powerful (Machiavelli 1998: 16), we can greatly enhance our understanding of not only some of the more original and controversial positions within the Florentine theorist?s magnum opus, but also of his thought in general. Furthermore, by analyzing crucial moments within Machiavelli?s observation of the rise and fall of the Roman republic through the lens of social discord, I argue that the concept can be established as the foundation of his understanding of republicanism, while contesting his designation of the people as the guardians of liberty. Finally, I contrast the concept of social discord with that of social conflict - a subtle and seemingly negligible distinction that can, in my understanding of Machiavelli?s thought, nonetheless mean the difference between a republic?s development and prosperity and its untimely downfall.


Author(s):  
Vickie B. Sullivan

This chapter determines that, by perverting the previous understandings to which Niccolò Machiavelli explicitly appeals, he furnishes the impetus for a new understanding. He thus can be taken to be a type of ruler. A consideration of his rule—its envisioned extent, its intended effects, and its manner of attainment—allows this chapter to liken his dispensation to, and to distinguish it from, the rule he wants to overturn. Although fear will reign in the republic he envisions, in gathering adherents he avails himself of an appeal to love. Unlike the current prince, however, he offers his love for the people on the condition that they hear his call to arms. In his capacity as ruler he intends to allow human beings what they have been denied for so long: honor and glory for their earthly exploits. Indeed, he endeavors to replace the divine and natural realms with the human one. By his assumption of his exalted position and his imposition of human necessity, human beings will cultivate the faculties—those of the soldier—that will allow them to establish a human republic.


1984 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 555-576
Author(s):  
George Feaver

AbstractOne way of seeing Machiavelli is as a literary artist who appreciated, in his figurative portraiture of princes, that an effective likeness will always reveal to the attentive eye, something of the prince, of his audience, and of the portraitist himself. And since politics is an activity in which, on his understanding, there is no absolute truth, but only multifarious effectual truths; a comprehensive depiction of political life must embrace irreconcilable points of view as diverse as those of individual princes, the people, and “each man.” The observer's task thus demanded perspectival powers that would test the fabled eyes of Argus. This article sets out the evidence supporting such an interpretation in individual texts of Machiavelli's works, while suggesting how each contributes to the completed literary artistry of his brilliantly evoked world of pictures in words of political aspiration, failure and achievement.


World Affairs ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 182 (4) ◽  
pp. 324-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony R. Brunello

The rise of populist leaders like Trump certainly raises issues of leadership and effectiveness. The current populist moment may be one of “Cultural Backlash,” but there is also merit in resurrecting and assessing the work of Niccolò Machiavelli in evaluating Trump’s leadership and success. Would Machiavelli, with his emphasis on a “success ethic” and a studied moral indifference, rate Trump to be a “great prince?” This article analyzes Machiavelli’s role and contemporary relevance as well as what he might say about a leader like Donald Trump. Machiavelli offers one insight into a style of leader that exposes the dangers of ignorance allied with self-interest in a nationalist pose. Also, we can visualize (with Machiavelli’s help) a modern reconsideration of the dimensions of love, hate, and fear in 21st century leadership—especially among national populist leaders. This matters politically to us all.


Moreana ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 54 (Number 207) (1) ◽  
pp. 57-70
Author(s):  
Ismael del Olmo

This paper deals with unbelief and its relationship with fear and religion in Thomas More's Utopia. It stresses the fact that Epicurean and radical Aristotelian theses challenged Christian notions about immortality, Providence, and divine Judgement. The examples of Niccolò Machiavelli and Pietro Pomponazzi, contemporaries of More, are set to show a heterodox connection between these theses and the notion of fear of eternal punishment. More's account of the Utopian religion, on the contrary, distinguishes between human fear and religious fear. This distinction enables him to highlight the threat to spiritual and civic life posed by those who deny the soul and divine retribution.


1927 ◽  
Vol 8 (87) ◽  
pp. 335-346
Author(s):  
Henry Bugeja

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document