Conferences and British Governmental Control

2021 ◽  
pp. 97-146
Author(s):  
Peter Docking
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Vikas Rathee ◽  
Kapil Pihwal ◽  
Neelam Pawar ◽  
Sheikh Aamir ◽  
Mohammad Shahbaz Alam ◽  
...  

: Regulatory is the heart of the Pharmaceutical Industries which acts as an interface between the industries and government authorities for the growth and development of pharmaceutical industry system of their respective country. In 2017, India was a pharmaceutical country valued at USD (United States Dollar) 13 billion and accounting for 20 percent of worldwide exports, making the country the main supplier of generic drugs worldwide. Ministry of Chemicals and Fertilizers, the Department of Pharmaceutical Products said that the national pharmaceutical market's gross revenue reached approximately US $ 18.12 billion in 2018 (Rs 129,015), growing 9.4% year-on-year and export retention in 2018 was US $ 17.88 billion. 19.14 billion US$ in 2019. The Union Ministry of Health and Family Welfare has increased by 13.1 percent to Rs 61,398 crore (US $ 8.98 billion) in the Union Budget 2019-20. The Indian pharmaceutical market is facing many difficulties such as central and state regulatory compliance, data integrity, ethics committee in clinical trials, governmental control over the price of medicine, lack of research and so on. We are discussing in our article that top 10 pharmaceutical companies are doing business, their turnover in 2020 and challenge in today's era. We discuss future plans and solutions to problems, so that they can be ranked first in the world.


1934 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-134
Author(s):  
H. J. Wadleigh
Keyword(s):  

1935 ◽  
Vol 118 (9) ◽  
pp. 243-244
Author(s):  
Philip W. L. Cox

Nor is it mere coincidence that in Scandinavia social and economic stability are achieved with a minimum of governmental control.


Author(s):  
Witold Klaus

All authorities desire to control various aspects of their subjects’ lives. Those in power claim to do it in the name of protecting the peace and safety of all citizens. For one of groups perceived to be the most dangerous is the one whose members evade formal or informal social control – they do not work, do not have a family or are estranged from them, they have no permanent home. Therefore, to make sure that no one is out of the reach of governmental control, criminal law is utilised against them and whole ways of life, and the everyday behaviours of vagrants and homeless people began to be criminalised. And this process is still ongoing. The law thus punishes a person for their personal identity, and not for specific improper or harmful behaviour undertaken by them. In this paper I would like to analyse the problem of criminalisation of beggars throughout Polish history, and present how it impacted (and still impacts) upon the lives of the poorest and the most excluded parts of Polish society.


2017 ◽  
pp. 142-161
Author(s):  
Benjamin Parke DeWitt ◽  
Sidney A. Pearson
Keyword(s):  

Worldview ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 22 (9) ◽  
pp. 46-53
Author(s):  
Harold J. Berman

When the word "law" is juxtaposed with the word "religion," an American lawyer today is apt to think immediately of the First Amendment to the United States Constitution with its double protection against any governmental interference in "the free exercise" of religion on the one hand and against any governmental "establishment" of religion on the other. From the standpoint of contemporary American constitutional law, religion has become the personal and private affair of individual citizens or groups of citizens. Indeed, in recent decades our courts, in interpreting the "free exercise" clause, have gone far toward immunizing individual and group activities from governmental control, whether federal or state, whenever they are considered by the persons engaging in them to be of a religious character; and at the same time, under the "establishment" clause the courts have struck down most forms even of indirect governmental support of religion, whether federal or state.


2020 ◽  
pp. 175063522097100
Author(s):  
Santiago Tejedor ◽  
Laura Cervi ◽  
Fernanda Tusa

A total of 324 journalists have been killed in the world in the last decade. In Latin America and the Caribbean, the situation is alarming. Based on these statistics, this work presents an investigation with journalists from 10 countries. Based on in-depth interviews and the Delphi method, the study explores professionals’ perspectives about violence against journalists, pointing out the challenges for women, the role of independent media together with journalists’ networks and an increasing concern about governmental control over information.


Author(s):  
Monica Duarte Dantas

Scholars have long studied the rebellious movements that rattled Brazil after its independence and during the so-called Regency period. The scholarship has mainly focused on understanding the political and economic elites who led the revolts by joining or fighting the rebels, or whose interests were at stake. Comparatively little attention has been paid to those who actually fought in the battles: namely, the impoverished free and freed people who comprised the majority of the country’s population. These women and men took up arms and, occasionally, led the rebellions, notably during the First Reign and the Regency. Historical accounts of such revolts are limited, however, and those that speak to upheavals that occurred from the 1850s on are even scarcer. In the past decades, new interpretations of popular revolts during the Empire have enabled scholars to reappraise how free and freed poor (of Portuguese, African, or Native American descent) experienced the innovations brought by the country’s independence, and the long process of state-building. Even if the country’s Charta was given by the first emperor, and not duly written and approved by a legislative body, it followed quite strictly the liberal creed that inspired so many other contemporary constitutions. According to the 1824 Charta, all of the country’s natural born were henceforth made citizens, regardless of whether they were free or freed, with constitutionally guaranteed rights. Although one should never mistake the letter of the law for its actual enforcement, its existence should also not be dismissed. This is especially important when trying to understand the history of a country whose elites kept on fighting not only over the Constitution’s true meaning, but also over governmental control. Battling for independence and state power meant publicizing mottos about freedom, emancipation, the people’s rights, and the overcoming of oppression across the country—words that were spoken out loud and printed in newspapers and gazettes, reaching as far as the Brazilian backlands. One must always factor into any historical equation the specifics of a country’s population. By the time Brazil became independent, slaves amounted to roughly 31 percent of the population, where most of the remaining 69 percent were composed of free poor, freed people, and “domesticated” Indians; all of whom became citizens when the 1824 Charta was enforced (with constitutional Rights, according to the law, and even, depending on one’s gender, age, income, and status—as a free or a freed man—to vote and be voted). Considering all those specifics, this article analyzes the involvement of free and freed peoples in 19th century rebellions, riots, and seditions; movements that broke out all over the country, rattling regions as far as Maranhão and Rio Grande do Sul, from the 1820s to the 1880s. Regarding the role played by popular revolts in 19th century Brazil, one must go beyond the boundaries set by a traditional historiography to understand how the experience of protesting was directly related to the process of state building, and how the lower strata of society learned to fight for their demands as citizens of a representative constitutional monarchy.


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