Nature ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 513 (7518) ◽  
pp. 414-417 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael L. Wilson ◽  
Christophe Boesch ◽  
Barbara Fruth ◽  
Takeshi Furuichi ◽  
Ian C. Gilby ◽  
...  

2006 ◽  
Vol 68 (7) ◽  
pp. 732-737 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alejandra Valero ◽  
Colleen M. Schaffner ◽  
Laura G. Vick ◽  
Filippo Aureli ◽  
Gabriel Ramos-Fernandez

2016 ◽  
Vol 113 (43) ◽  
pp. 12120-12125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark W. Allen ◽  
Robert Lawrence Bettinger ◽  
Brian F. Codding ◽  
Terry L. Jones ◽  
Al W. Schwitalla

The origin of human violence and warfare is controversial, and some scholars contend that intergroup conflict was rare until the emergence of sedentary foraging and complex sociopolitical organization, whereas others assert that violence was common and of considerable antiquity among small-scale societies. Here we consider two alternative explanations for the evolution of human violence: (i) individuals resort to violence when benefits outweigh potential costs, which is likely in resource poor environments, or (ii) participation in violence increases when there is coercion from leaders in complex societies leading to group level benefits. To test these hypotheses, we evaluate the relative importance of resource scarcity vs. sociopolitical complexity by evaluating spatial variation in three macro datasets from central California: (i) an extensive bioarchaeological record dating from 1,530 to 230 cal BP recording rates of blunt and sharp force skeletal trauma on thousands of burials, (ii) quantitative scores of sociopolitical complexity recorded ethnographically, and (iii) mean net primary productivity (NPP) from a remotely sensed global dataset. Results reveal that sharp force trauma, the most common form of violence in the record, is better predicted by resource scarcity than relative sociopolitical complexity. Blunt force cranial trauma shows no correlation with NPP or political complexity and may reflect a different form of close contact violence. This study provides no support for the position that violence originated with the development of more complex hunter-gatherer adaptations in the fairly recent past. Instead, findings show that individuals are prone to violence in times and places of resource scarcity.


Science ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 341 (6143) ◽  
pp. 270-273 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. P. Fry ◽  
P. Soderberg
Keyword(s):  

2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 255-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas P. Fry ◽  
Patrik Söderberg

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to critique several studies that claim to show that nomadic foragers engage in high levels of inter-group aggression. This is done through exploring four myths: nomadic foragers are warlike; there was a high rate of war mortality in the Pleistocene; the nomadic forager data support the “chimpanzee model” of lethal raiding psychology; and contact and state influence inevitably decrease aggression in nomadic forager societies. Design/methodology/approach – Using exact criteria, a sample of 21 nomadic forager societies is derived from the Standard Cross-Cultural Sample. This sampling method minimizes the chance of sampling bias, a shortcoming that has plagued previous studies. Only the highest quality ethnographic data, those classified as Primary Authority Sources, are used, which results in data on 148 cases of lethal aggression. The specifics of the lethal aggression cases are then discussed vis-à-vis the four myths to demonstrate the disjuncture between the data and the myths. Findings – All four myths are found to be out of step with actual data on nomadic forager war and peace. Overall, the default interaction pattern of nomadic foragers is to get along with neighbors rather than make war against them. The findings contradict both assertions that there was a high level of war mortality among nomadic foragers of the Pleistocene and the chimpanzee model's proposal that human males have a tendency or predisposition to form coalitions and make lethal attacks on members of neighboring groups. Research limitations/implications – Consideration of nomadic forager war and peace should be contextualized in terms of social organization, contact history (including ethnocide, displacement, and other factors), and the current situation faced by extant forager populations. As in other contexts, the introduction of alcohol at contact or subsequently has increased nomadic forager aggression. Practical implications – Propositions as to the aggressiveness of nomadic foragers should be viewed with skepticism because they are contradicted by data and a contextual view of nomadic forager social organization and ethnohistory. Social implications – The debate over nomadic forager war and peace is connected to larger debates in modern society about the nature of human nature and has real-world implications regarding foreign policy and political approaches toward war and peace. Originality/value – A critique of sampling, methodology, and theory is provided in this area.


1972 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 193 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugh P. Whitt ◽  
Charles C. Gordon ◽  
John R. Hofley

Author(s):  
Ron Avi Astor ◽  
Rami Benbenishty ◽  
Joey Nuñez Estrada

Research suggests that school violence victims may experience physical harm; psychological trauma, such as anxiety, depression, loneliness, low self-esteem, poor academic outcomes, low school attendance, suicidal ideation; and, in rare cases, extreme outbursts of lethal aggression. One of the most common definitions had emphasized school bullying, defined by most researchers as an aggressive repetitive behavior emanating from a perpetrator who is stronger than the victim. Currently there is a fairly strong consensus in academia that the term “school violence” includes a wide range of intentional behaviors that aim to physically and emotionally harm students, staff, and property, on or around school grounds. These acts vary in severity and frequency, and include behaviors such as social isolation, threats, and intimidation (including through electronic communications), school fights, possession and use of weapons, property theft and vandalism, sexual harassment and assault, abuse from school staff, gang violence, and hate crimes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 243-254
Author(s):  
Ana Selene Pineda Neisa ◽  
Douglas Durán Chavarría

Purpose Despite the restricted interpretation of the principle of equality and non-discrimination made by some members of the prison staff in Costa Rica, most of the authorities and policymakers are committed to the express prohibition of unjust treatments on grounds of gender identity and sexual orientation. Notwithstanding, there is a gap between the normative framework and the reality of the detention facilities in the country. This paper aims to present the progress and challenges in the Costa Rican penitentiary system on the specific needs of LGBTI persons deprived of liberty, from a human rights perspective. Design/methodology/approach This paper is the result of the analysis conducted by United Nations Latin American Institute for the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders (ILANUD) from the data collected and systemized during a qualitative study, led by the same institution in 2016, regarding the situation of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Persons (LGBTI) persons deprived of liberty. These findings and a review of the actions implemented recently by the competent authorities to protect the rights of these population groups allowed to present an approach of the current situation of the Costa Rican penitentiary system. Findings While acknowledging the gravity of the violations of fundamental rights of LGBTI people in prison, they are far from showing a systematic pattern of aggression or discrimination against those people. What they do indicate is a penitentiary system that reproduces and exacerbates the marginalization and discrimination experienced by these populations in society. Despite the implementation of some measures to meet the particular needs of these groups, there is also evidence of an institutional culture that tolerates and normalizes certain levels of verbal violence and non-lethal aggression perpetrated by some system staff and by other individuals deprived of liberty. Practical implications Visualize the discrimination faced by some of the most invisible prisoners in the penitentiary system. Highlight some of the challenges that might be addressed to protect the rights of certain groups of prisoners affected by structural discrimination provide key data to identify the task list that should be guiding the actions to strengthen human rights guarantees for LGBTI people in prison. Present some good practices implemented by the Costa Rican penitentiary system, which might be useful for some other countries of the region. Originality/value There is a lack of information in Latin America about the rights situation of people that, besides the imprisonment, faced some other conditions of vulnerability, such as gender identity or sexual orientation. In a region where overpopulation, precarious living conditions and the critical situation of the prisons are no longer news, this paper pretends to draw attention to the progress and challenges of the penitentiary system concerning some of the most marginalized people in prison. In that regard, this document constitutes also a way of vindication of their rights.


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