The Media Independency of Political Elites

2017 ◽  
pp. 127-145
Author(s):  
Stefaan Walgrave ◽  
Julie Sevenans ◽  
Alon Zoizner ◽  
Matthew Ayling
Keyword(s):  
2004 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Allen

Immediately prior to the events of 9/11, the United Nations (UN) officially recognized the proliferating climate of anti- Muslim and anti-Islamic prejudice, discrimination, and hatred –Islamophobia – as being as equally repellent and unwanted as anti-Semitism and other global discriminatory phenomena. The 9/11 tragedy, however, somewhat overshadowed this recognition, resulting in the continued proliferation of anti-Muslim and anti-Islamic sentiment and expression. This study explores how and why Islamophobia was manifested following 9/11, contextualizes how elite voices across British and European societies have considered Islamophobia to be fair and justified. In considering the wider findings of the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia’s monitoring of Islamophobia, this study explores how “visual identifiers” have underpinned changes in attitude and reactions to Muslims across the fifteen European Union (EU) member nations at a largely pan-European level. The second section develops these ideas, analyzing three of the report’s primary themes – Muslim visuality, political landscapes (incorporating institutional political elites as well as grassroots politics), and the media – each one approached from the perspective of the United Kingdom. This study concludes by suggesting that 9/11 has made Islamophobia more acceptable, which has enabled its expressions, inferences, and manifestations to locate a newer and possibly more prevalent societal resonance and acceptability. Ultimately, this new development goes some way to justifying Islamophobia and negating the UN’s recognition of this problem.


Author(s):  
Patrícia Rossini ◽  
Jennifer Stromer-Galley ◽  
Ania Korsunska

Abstract While the debate around the prevalence and potential effects of fake news has received considerable scholarly attention, less research has focused on how political elites and pundits weaponized fake news to delegitimize the media. In this study, we examine the rhetoric in 2020 U.S. presidential primary candidates Facebook advertisements. Our analysis suggests that Republican and Democratic candidates alike attack and demean the news media on several themes, including castigating them for malicious gatekeeping, for being out of touch with the views of the public, and for being a bully. Only Trump routinely attacks the news media for trafficking in falsehoods and for colluding with other interests to attack his candidacy. Our findings highlight the ways that candidates instrumentalize the news media for their own rhetorical purposes; further constructing the news media as harmful to democracy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Dwyer ◽  
Olivier Arifon

Based on literature review and interviews with journalists, we argue that the BRICS countries are constructing a collective vision, guided by logics of recognition and of transformation. The production of discourse reaches its high point during the BRICS leaders’ summits. To go beyond analysis of the discourse revealed in the media, this article examines projects, thereby aiming to qualify and label the justificatory discourses, in order to develop an understanding of intentions. The BRICS countries have become a reference point as the press increasingly makes comparisons between these countries. The notion of recognition, present in the political elites, also appears as a part of the public imagination and in the press. The leaders too seek transformation. The first official multilateral institution founded by the BRICS countries was the New Development Bank. Current efforts indicate the development of common scientific and technological research initiatives and official support for the establishment of an innovative BRICS Network University. Initiatives will appear as these countries try to consolidate their position.


2020 ◽  
pp. 133-160
Author(s):  
Neville Bolt

Chapter 5 shows how memory is shaped across the media landscape, and between its ownership and political elites. Then how event and spectacle challenge media memory in the media landscape. It used to be said that media outlets did not so much tell viewers what to think, rather what to think about. Today with billions of consumers driving waves and surges of opinion and snapshots of local life across global networks of users, that picture has been dramatically distorted. Insurgents make use of live event transmission. Speed is a rich concept and increasingly the unifying factor of all symbolic communication. Live-ness is its handmaid. It carries codes that audiences internalise; they manipulate different conceptions of time and memory. Propaganda of the Deed freeze-frames time, interrupting the continuity of the moment and public memory carried in the media universe.


2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 497-515 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henrik Örnebring

This article argues that the traditional political science definition of clientelism is insufficient for explaining how the media fit in with clientelistic systems in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). It is suggested that a broader understanding of clientelism, looking in particular at how media are used as elite-to-elite communication tools as well as elite-to-mass communication tools, better explains the place of the media in the clientelistic systems of the CEE nations. Empirically, it is based on a set of 272 elite and expert interviews conducted across ten CEE countries (Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia) in 2010 and 2011. The article presents some general findings on the nature and character of the linkages between political elites and the media, and the extent to which such linkages can be considered clientelistic. Then follows a discussion of specific practices of media instrumentalization, charting the many ways in which the media can function as a resource in conflicts and negotiations between clientelistic elite networks, directly as well as indirectly. Particular attention is given to the phenomena of advertorials and kompromat.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 531-550 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter E. Mulherin ◽  
Benjamin Isakhan

This article assesses the link between the state and the media in their coverage of foreign policy decisions. It holds up to empirical scrutiny the claim that genuine press criticism can only occur within the bounds of political-elite debate. Taking the Australian government’s 2014 decision to fight the Islamic State as its case study, it explores areas of consensus and dissensus between political discourse and the media. Conducting a qualitative analysis of three media frames used by major newspapers, it tests the “indexing hypothesis” and concludes that some press coverage went beyond the parameters of political-elite debate. This finding of independent criticism has implications beyond the present case study, as it helps us better understand the role of the media in democracies—specifically, holding governments to account when sending their nations to war.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sigit Surahman

Yogyakarta embraces the monarchical power whose existence is regulated in Law no. 13 of 2012 which requires the Governor is the King of Yogyakarta Palace. Sri Sultan HB X issued the King's Word which elevated GKR Pambayun to Crown Princess to prepare the successor to the throne. Should be the successor to the throne of the king is one of Sri Sultan HB X's sister. The following questions arise: How to frame the media of the event program one Indonesia Net.tv "eps" Sultan HB X and asia calling Tempo Tv "eps" successor to the throne of the king of Yogyakarta ?, What is the evidence of the hegemony of Sri Sultan HB X ?, How do the news topics match what Sultan HB X has to say? Sultan HB X wants to maintain the continuity of power. Framing is a multi-layered concept. It can operate individually, on the micro level, in terms of how citizens frame political issues. This has been the focus of the discussion up to this point. Framing can also operate on a macro level (Perloff, 2014: 165). Hegemony, the notion that political leaders can enforce their will on the Mass public by manufacturing consent, harnessing mass communications in the Service of their political objectives (Perloff, 2014: 166). Indexing, the idea that political media index news so that it closely matches the range of voices expressed by political elites (Bennett, 1994; Bennett, Lawrence, & Livingston, 2006: Perloff, 2014: 166). Descriptive qualitative research is relevant to obtain complete information about the hegemony of Sri Sultan HB X.Keywords: Frame, king's word, crown princess


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 229-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lindita Camaj

This comparative study examines the power relationship between journalists and political elites in South-Eastern Europe, emphasizing the clientelistic ties under which these interactions take place. It is based on 60 in-depth interviews with journalists from Albania, Kosovo and Montenegro. The results suggest that the journalist–politician relationship in these countries has gradually evolved into two-way communication marked by cooperation and conflict. On one hand, the clientelist ties at the inter-organizational level have subordinated journalists to the political elites in power who negotiate the news agenda with media owners. On the other hand, journalists often serve as tools to combat political and economic enemies, leading to the exposure of corruption and scandals. However, this is done selectively, based on the media owner’s agenda. Overall, the study implies the lack of a uniform relationship between journalists and political elites, challenging previous assumptions that media clientelism in Eastern Europe is a stable system that exerts predictable relationships.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document