PR as a Tool of Political Technologies (on the Example of the 2020 Parliamentary Elections in Kyrgyzstan)

The main task of elections in a democratic state is not only to elect representatives of power, but also to ensure the legitimacy of newly elected persons and the political system as a whole. Today, elections are one of the most democratic ways for voters to freely express their opinion in matters of appointing the heads of legislative and executive bodies of power. Consequently, the most important and indispensable condition for a democratic system is free elections. Elections are designed to perform functions such as electing a new political elite, resolving conflicts, reflecting the interests and opinions of various peoples, social strata and groups of society, mobilizing the population to support party programs and social values, etc. PR-technologies occupy a special place in election campaigns. In this regard, the article examines PR-technologies used by parties in the 2020 parliamentary elections in Kyrgyzstan. The study covers the time period from September 4 to October 3, 2020. As part of the study, a linguistic analysis of information posted on the official websites and social pages of parties, media reports and reports of relevant organizations was carried out. Based on the results of the study, a number of practical recommendations have been developed that must be taken into account during the next parliamentary and presidential elections.

Perception of Riau Muslim Entrepreneurs on the Merger of Islamic Commercial Banking into Indonesian Islamic Bank

<div class="WordSection1"><em>The purpose of this study is to further examine the perceptions of Muslim entrepreneurs in Riau towards the merger of a Islamic Commercial Banking to become an Indonesian Islamic bank. The method used is a qualitative method generated from a questionnaire filled out by Muslim entrepreneurs in Riau Province, explaining the perception of Riau Muslims about the merger of Islamic banks under BUMN. The results of this study indicate that the perceptions of Muslim entrepreneurs in Riau towards the joining of Islamic banks as BUMN, in this case Bank Syariah Mandiri, BNI Syariah and BRI syariah to become Bank Syariah Indonesia which is abbreviated as BSI in general have different perceptions, there are still many who disagree. by joining the Islamic Bank under the BUMN. Entrepreneurs are also not too sure about the joining of the Islamic Bank to become the icon and direction of the World Islamic Bank, they think that the joining of the Bank is influenced by political elements among the political elite. However, Muslim entrepreneurs in Riau on average will still become customers of Indonesian Islamic Bank, because apart from being a Islamic bank, there is no better choice than other banks.</em><br /><strong> </strong><br />Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengkaji lebih jauh persepsi pengusaha muslim Riau terhadap penggabungan Bank Syariah BUMN menjadi bank syariah Indonesia. Metode yang digunakan adalah kualitatif yang dihasilkan dari kuisioner yang diisi oleh para pengusaha muslim yang ada di Provinsi Riau, menjelaskan mengenai persepsi muslim riau terhadap mergernya bank syariah di bawah BUMN. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa persepsi pengusaha muslim riau terhadap bergabungnya bank syariah di bawah BUMN dalam hal ini Bank Syariah Mandiri, BNI Syariah dan BRI syariah menjadi Bank Syariah Indonesia yang disingkat menjadi BSI secara umum memiliki persepsi yang berbeda-beda, masih banyak yang tidak setuju dengan begabungnya Bank Syariah BUMN tersebut. Pengusaha juga tidak terlalu yakin dengan bergabungnya Bank Syariah tersebut menjadi icon dan kiblat Bank Syariah dunia, mereka menganggap bergabungnya Bank banyak dipengaruhi oleh unsur politis dikalangan elit politik. Namun pengusaha muslim Riau rata-rata tetap akan menjadi Nasabah Bank Syariah Indonesia, karena selain merupakan bank syariah, dan tidak ada pilihan lain yang lebih baik dari bank lain.<br /><strong> </strong><br />Kata Kunci: Persepsi, Pengusaha Muslim, Merger, Bank Syariah.</div><p align="center"><strong><br clear="all" /></strong></p>

Alternative news on social media in Norway

Alternative news media in Norway have become visible in public debates. Partly because of news sharing on social media. Social media has become an arena for news, information, and public debate, and has also become a place to fight for the news agenda. The present study examines news sharing in social media in Norway and how right-wing alternative news outlets use social media to impact the news agenda. These are small organizations with only a handful of employees, but they have very proactive readers and feature a considerable amount of user-generated content. They are critical of immigration, particularly from Muslim countries, and of the political elite. They mimic traditional media in the way they organize and label their content, but their reporting is more subjective. The present study uses quantitative content analysis to reveal which topics are the most shared on social media, and from which news type of news organizations they come. It also looks at how news sharing differed in the days following a series of terrorist attacks and how the pattern changed during the course of a normal day. This leads to a discussion on participatory journalism and how news sharing can be seen as a part of the public debate.

The Brigade of the Great Hungarian Plain The crimes of the most notorious military detachment during the wave of paramilitary violence called the Hungarian White Terror in 1919–1921, and the further life of a radical right-wing paramilitary commander

In 1919–1920s, paramilitary violence was an almost natural phenomenon in Hungary, like in many other countries of Central Europe. After the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire the new right-wing government, establishing its power with the help of the Entente powers, could difficulty rule the quasi anarchistic conditions. In 1919–1921, Hungary was terrorized by irregular military formations that were formally part of the National Army, and radical right-wing soldiers committed serious crimes frequently by anti-Semitic motivations. One of the most notorious military detachment was organised by young first lieutenant of the Air Force Iván Héjjas, who, with the help of his armed militiamen, abusing the anarchistic conditions due to civil war, build up his own quasi private state in the town of Kecskemét and in its neighbourhood, the Great Hungarian Plain. His rule lasted for two years, his subordinates murdered and/or robbed hundreds of people, mainly of Jewish origin, but later they were given amnesty. Héjjas later became an influential radical right-wing politician of the Hungarian political scene in the period between the two world wars. The present research article makes an attempt to reconstruct the wave of paramilitary violence of Iván Héjjas’s detachment, and also examines of the further life of a used-to-be radical right-wing paramilitary commander and politician who gradually became member of the Hungarian political elite, despite his notorious past.

The Relation of Elite, Sub-Elite, and Village Community in Maintaining the Masra Family Dynasty in Gapurana Village, Sumenep Regency: Study on the H. Andiwarto Regime in 2013-2019

This research focuses on the relation of elite H. Andiwarto with sub-elite and village community in maintaining Masra family dynasty for village head position. Masra family dynasty has run for a long time. For 150 years, Masra family descendants occupy the village head position. The survival of Masra family dynasty in the Gapurana Village Government is studied in the relation of H. Andiwarto, who is Masra descendant with sub-elite and village community to maintain Masra family descendant dynasty as a village head. This research used a qualitative method with descriptive research type. The elite theory proposed by Suzanne Keller was used to analyze the relation of elite, sub-elite, and the community. This theory has 4 (four) indicators: the governing elite, the ruling elite, the not ruling elite, and the community. Based on these indicators and the results of this research, the relation built by H. Andiwarto in maintaining Masra family dynasti consists of three relations: relation with the political elite, relation with economic elite, and relation with the social elite. The political elite’s relationship is vital in maintaining the Masra family descendant dynasty. In contrast, the relation between the economic elite and the social elite supports relations for keeping the legitimacy of the village community towards Masra descendants.

A review of the memoirs of the Governor of the Samara region Konstantin Alekseevich Titov in the journal Samara Destinies. Samara, 2019, no. 9

The review analyzes the memoirs of the first governor of the Samara region in the modern history of Russia Konstantin Alekseevich Titov. The ex-governor recorded the most important events of his political career, presented the personal characteristics of statesmen of the period of the 1990-s and early 2000-s. As a result of the study, it was found that in the memoirs of K.A.Titov, the relationship of the Samara governor with statesmen and representatives of the political elite of the Russian Federation is presented and fragmented his activities as a regional head of one of the largest regions of the Russian Federation.

Pergeseran Isu dalam Wacana Desa Tangguh Bencana (DESTANA) Pandemi Covid-19: Kasus Yogyakarta dan Surabaya

This article aims to describe complexity of news texts on discourse Desa Tangguh Bencana (Destana) in Yogyakarta and Surabaya which are contained in online media throughout the process of handling the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020. This article use the critical discourse analysis (CDA) from Teun A van Dijk’s model (1988) to analyze the structure of news report which consists of two main categories: summary and story. The summary aspect is reduced to an analysis of headlines and leads. The story is revealed to analysis of the situation and comments. The result of analysis found that had been a shift in Destana discourse in 2 (two) online media (merdeka.com, and medcom.id3). The discourse shitfting comes from an informative discourse to an investigative discourse during May – November 2020. Another finding was that there was a pattern of the use of issues and discourses that remain the same as a 'stage' for the appearance of the political elite. They have been using Destana's humanist discourse to become politically charged with the shift in the word 'Desa' into 'Kampung'.

MAIN HISTORICAL ASPECTS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE POLITICAL ELITE IN INDEPENDENT UKRAINE

Анотація. Мета дослідження. З моменту проголошення незалежності в Україні відбуваються складні політичні, соціально-економічні процеси. На різних етапах становлення незалежної держави український народ великі надії покладає на політичну еліту, пов՚язує з нею всі прагнення до створення дійсно європейської державності, заснованої на принципах демократії, справедливості, європейських цінностей. Методологією дослідження є висвітлення основних історичних аспектів розвитку політичної еліти незалежної України. Науковою новизною дослідження є характеристика причин формування еліти, з точки зору організації дієвого управління державою, участі різних верств населення у керівних органах. Робиться акцент на різних шляхах формування політичної еліти у країнах пострадянського простору, таких як рекрутування – перехід (залучення) колишньої радянської, партійної та комсомольської номенклатури в еліту «демократичну», тобто більшість радянської еліти перейшли в еліту нової Української держави. Висунення на керівні посади колишніх від КПРС партійних керівників середньої та нижчої ланки при їхньому лояльному ставленні до колишніх перших осіб області, міста, району. Зростання чисельності і поповнення еліти та номенклатури здебільшого за рахунок господарських керівників. Збільшення чисельності та впливу у складі номенклатури вихідній із сільської місцевості. За даними центру А. Розумкова, 87 % української політичної еліти – це вихідці з сільської місцевості. Висновки. Аналізуючи дослідження відомих політологів, виділено етапи формування власної політичної еліти на початку становлення незалежності України: 1990–1991 рр. (номенклатура є формальною елітою); 1992 р. (поява вербальних політиків або політиків-ідеологів); 1993–1994 рр. (цехові політики або перша еліта); 1995 р. (інтегральні політики або власне еліта). Теорія еліт постає альтернативною ліберальній ідеї (автори навіть використовують термін «ліберальна новомова»). У дослідженні розглядаються основні акценти при формуванні еліт при президентствах Л. Кравчука, Л. Кучми, В. Ющенка.