Housing Finance from Post-conflict Intervention to Market Development in the Balkans

Author(s):  
Nico van der Windt ◽  
Rolf Dauskardt ◽  
Martin Heimes ◽  
Jana Hoessel
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anjali Kaushlesh Dayal

Why do warring parties turn to United Nations peacekeeping and peacemaking even when they think it will fail? Dayal asks why UN peacekeeping survived its early catastrophes in Somalia, Rwanda, and the Balkans, and how this survival should make us reconsider how peacekeeping works. She makes two key arguments: first, she argues the UN's central role in peacemaking and peacekeeping worldwide means UN interventions have structural consequences – what the UN does in one conflict can shift the strategies, outcomes, and options available to negotiating parties in other conflicts. Second, drawing on interviews, archival research, and process-traced peace negotiations in Rwanda and Guatemala, Dayal argues warring parties turn to the UN even when they have little faith in peacekeepers' ability to uphold peace agreements – and even little actual interest in peace – because its involvement in negotiation processes provides vital, unique tactical, symbolic, and post-conflict reconstruction benefits only the UN can offer.


2019 ◽  
pp. 203-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marzena Anna Maciulewicz

Newcomers and Locals. Invisible Boundaries Among Inhabitants of the Divided City in the BalkansResearch on divided cities in the Balkans focuses mostly on ethnic/national divisions. Is this perspective, however, truly viable and sufficient for the description of post-conflict cities in the Balkans? The question is posed not only because of the fact that every city is somehow divided or fragmented. More noteworthy, and not widely known, is the fact that the unstable structure of a city’s population is much more complex with its intergroup relations becoming much more complicated – a fact commonly disregarded due to the importance assigned to ethnic/national rifts which have dominated the narrative of the divided city. Underestimating the importance of other relations within society and the dynamics of a highly changeable social structure, one cannot uncover the actual nature of intergroup relations in a divided city.The main objective of this paper is to briefly present the state of contemporary inter- and intragroup relations in a divided city, with a special focus on inhabitants’ residential status. The article is based mainly on the case study of Mitrovica supplemented with references to other cities in the Balkans considered as divided. The paper is based on selected outcomes of qualitative and quantitative field research conducted in Mitrovica in 2017 and 2018 as well as results of other studies devoted mostly to Mitrovica but also to Mostar, Vukovar, Skopje and Sarajevo. Przybysze i miejscowi. Niewidoczne granice wśród mieszkańców podzielonego miasta na BałkanachBadania nad podzielonymi miastami na Bałkanach koncentrują się głównie na podziałach etnicznych/narodowych. Jednak, czy ta perspektywa jest odpowiednia i wystarczająca do opisania miast pokonfliktowych na Bałkanach? To pytanie nie wynika tylko z faktu, że każde miasto jest w jakiś sposób podzielone lub rozdrobnione. Bardziej istotny, a jednocześnie mniej znany jest fakt, że niestabilna struktura populacji tych miast jest znacznie bardziej złożona, a relacje międzygrupowe – znacznie bardziej skomplikowane, niż przedstawiają to dominujące narracje o podzielonych miastach przypisujące kluczowe znaczenie rozłamom etnicznym/narodowym. Tymczasem, nie doceniając znaczenia innego rodzaju relacji w społeczeństwie oraz dynamiki wysoce zmiennej struktury społecznej, nie można odkryć rzeczywistej natury relacji międzygrupowych w podzielonym mieście.Głównym celem artykułu jest przedstawienie współczesnego stanu między- i wewnątrzgrupowych relacji w podzielonym mieście, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem statusu mieszkańców Mitrowicy. Artykuł jest przede wszystkim studium przypadku miasta Mitrowica (Kosowo) uzupełnionym o odniesienia do innych podzielonych miast na Bałkanach. Artykuł opiera się na wybranych wynikach jakościowych i ilościowych badań terenowych przeprowadzonych w Mitrowicy w 2017 i 2018 roku, jak również na wynikach innych badań poświęconych głównie Mitrowicy, ale także Mostarowi, Vukovarowi, Skopje i Sarajewu.


Author(s):  
Lidija Georgieva

This article will focus on theoretical and practical dilemmas related to the concept of peace governance, and within this context on the possible transformative role of peace education trough facilitation of contact between communities in conflict. The basic assumption is that violent conflicts in the Balkans have been resolved trough negotiated settlements and peace agreements. Yet, education strategy including peace education and its impact on post-conflict peacebuilding and reconciliation are underestimated. Peace governance is recognized as a dynamic but challenging process often based on institutional and policy arrangements aimed to at least settle conflict dynamics or in some cases even to provide more sustainable peace after signing of negotiated settlement in multicultural societies. We will argue that education in general is one of the critical issues of peace governance arrangements that could facilitate peacebuilding and create a contact platform between communities. The first question addressed in this article is to what extend peace agreements refer to education as an issue and the second one relate to the question if education is included in peace agreement to what extent it contributes for contact between different conflicting communities. Although it is widely accepted that contacts between former adversaries contributes for multicultural dialogue it is less known or explained if and in what way peace agreements provisions on education facilitate contact and transformation of conflicting relations.


Author(s):  
Nick Williams

Chapter 4 begins by examining the policy approaches being used in B&H, Kosovo, and Montenegro to engage the diaspora, as well as providing implications for other economies. The chapter demonstrates that diaspora engagement is not always a ‘win-win’ and there are distinct challenges for policy makers in ensuring that it impacts positively on economic development. The chapter shows that mobilising the diaspora is a central strategic priority for economic development in each of the post-conflict economies. Yet strategic vision has not translated into policy practice, and as such the potential importance of the diaspora is currently underdeveloped and characterised by a lack of coordination, in part due to ongoing political fragmentation. At the same time, the fact that the diaspora’s connectivity to their homeland weakens over time means that there is a pressing need for effective, coordinated policy now. The disparate nature of provision which currently exists means that the mobilisation of diaspora investment is not being maximised. While the flow of remittances, which play a significant role in the economies of the Balkans, demonstrates that diaspora connections are in place, the spillover effect produced by the transfer of knowledge is not being adequately harnessed.


Ethnopolitics ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 223-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
Denisa Kostovicova ◽  
Vesna Bojicˇic´-Dželilovic´
Keyword(s):  

2010 ◽  
Vol 36 (S1) ◽  
pp. 137-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID CHANDLER

AbstractFor many commentators the lack of success in international statebuilding efforts has been explained through the critical discourse of ‘liberal peace’, where it is assumed that ‘liberal’ Western interests and assumptions have influenced policymaking leading to counterproductive results. At the core of the critique is the assumption that the liberal peace approach has sought to reproduce and impose Western models: the reconstruction of ‘Westphalian’ frameworks of state sovereignty; the liberal framework of individual rights and winner-takes-all elections; and neo-liberal free market economic programmes. This article challenges this view of Western policymaking and suggests that post-Cold War post-conflict intervention and statebuilding can be better understood as a critique of classical liberal assumptions about the autonomous subject – framed in terms of sovereignty, law, democracy and the market. The conflating of discursive forms with their former liberal content creates the danger that critiques of liberal peace can rewrite post-Cold War intervention in ways that exaggerate the liberal nature of the policy frameworks and act as apologia, excusing policy failure on the basis of the self-flattering view of Western policy elites: that non-Western subjects were not ready for ‘Western’ freedoms.


2003 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 315-329 ◽  
Author(s):  
MAMORU SADAKATA

The fragmentation of Yugoslavia has wrought extensive political and social change in the Balkans and Europe more generally. After the collapse of communism and the breakup of Yugoslavia, many Balkan countries have transformed their political systems. European states have attempted to engage and manage this breakup on an individual and collective basis. The involvement of the international community, and above all of EU countries adjacent to the Balkans, has greatly influenced processes of conflict resolution and post-conflict reconstruction in the region.


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