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Author(s):  
Taufik Abdullah ◽  
Mr. Hamdani ◽  
Mr. Mulyad

The legitimacy of local political parties in Aceh results from a peace agreement between the Free Aceh Movement and the Government of Indonesia. Local political parties provide new hope and alternative for people who previously only voted for national parties. Since participating in the election for the first time, local political parties have obtained the people's mandate to fill legislative and executive powers. But along the way, local political parties experienced a crisis of trust. Parliamentary seat gains declined dramatically over the three election periods. This is the starting point for studying local political parties in a limited scope in Banda Aceh City. Through a qualitative approach, the results of this study describe contextual conditions from the perspective of civil society or city residents. The study results explain the lack of seats for local political parties. Residents see that local political parties have not strengthened as a catalyst in influencing policy and have not appeared unique and specific to distinguish them from national political parties. In the future, the role of local political parties is expected to be more critical in fighting for local democracy substantially.


Author(s):  
Hannah Meszaros Martin ◽  
Oscar Pedraza

At the Paris Climate Summit in 2015, then Colombian president Juan Manuel Santos proposed constructing a multi-national biodiversity corridor that would extend from the Andes to the Brazilian Atlantic coast. Santos highlighted increased militarization of the territory as one advantage of the corridor. In this model, ecological conservation becomes a matter of national/natural security, in the form of counterinsurgency to counter illegal economies. Climate change and ecological disaster mean the forest needs the military power of the State to save it from destruction. We argue that such conservation entails a form of necropolitics lying in wait; because to conserve one part is to condemn the other – framed as the enemy – to certain destruction, as land is simultaneously designated for large-scale development projects. Conservation, in effect, becomes tied to a form of extinction. Our article examines two increasingly militarized frontiers that work through conservation in Colombia. The first is where the Andes meets the Amazon rainforest, an area that has seen an increase in deforestation following the 2016 Peace Agreement with the FARC. Deforestation is often attributed to the cultivation of coca (used to produce cocaine), and the solution posited by the government is to eradicate the plant. We argue that eradication of illicit crops is a form of enforced extinction that militarizes the forest, targeting both human and non-human inhabitants. The second frontier concerns coal mining on the Caribbean coast, where mass environmental devastation induced by the industry has led to a forced reorganization of life in the region. The military guards the sites of extraction and those who oppose coal mining become targets for elimination. We bring these two cases – coal and coca – into dialogue, to trace the extinction-driven expansion of extractive economies, a process intertwined with armed conflict, narcotrafficking, and now with transitional politics.


2022 ◽  
pp. 260-277
Author(s):  
Domagoj Galić ◽  
Dražen Barbarić ◽  
Ana-Mari Bošnjak

The European Union (EU) and Bosnia and Herzegovina have a long and specific relationship dating back to the early 1990s and the break-up of the former Yugoslavia. While the EU didn't present itself in a flattering light during the breakup of the SFRY, after the Dayton Peace Agreement and post-conflict governance, it tried to impose itself as a factor of stability in the eyes of B&H public. The aim of the chapter is to present key elements, problems, and consequences of unsuccessful integration into the EU. After a short presentation of the chronology of relations between B&H and the EU, the authors aim to answer several questions. First, what are the main issues in B&H-EU relations? Second, who is responsible for the stalemate in integration process? Third, how successful is the EU conditionality policy towards B&H?


Significance Burhan’s decision responds to renewed threats by the Council of Beja Nazirs (CBN) to blockade Port Sudan unless the eastern track of the Juba Peace Agreement (JPA) is annulled. This poses a problem for Burhan, whose other partners in government, the Sudan Revolutionary Front (SRF), oppose any deviation from the JPA. Impacts Fears that Sudan’s ports will remain susceptible to stoppages will deter foreign investment and shipping into Sudan. SRF leader Yasir Arman’s return to the protest movement underscores the fragility of the SRF’s alliance with the coup leaders. The committee may drag out consideration of the eastern question, to avoid controversy while the coup leaders try to win wider support.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 369
Author(s):  
Delfi Suganda ◽  
Retno Saraswati ◽  
Nabitatus Sa'adah

<p><em>This article aimed to analyze the role and chances of the Wali Nanggroe in its involvement in international peace and its relation to the implementation of special autonomy in Aceh. One of the functions mandated by the qanun (local laws) of Wali Nanggroe Institution is participation in local, national, and international peace. The participation of Wali Nanggroe Institution to be part of regional, national and international peace is an exciting study because most of Wali Nanggroe's members are currently former officials and former combatants of the Free Aceh Movement. This research will analyze the opportunities of the Wali Nanggroe Institute in its involvement in the world and its relation to the implementation of special autonomy in Aceh. This research shows the peace will continue after the peace agreement because many Acehnese leaders, former GAM leaders, believe that the MOU can bring Aceh to a self-government system through a peaceful and democratic process.</em> <em>that several opportunities can be used by it to carry out the function of peace, among others, the first is strong support from local political parties because Wali Nanggroe is an "old man" in Aceh; Third, good relations between Wali Nanggroe and foreign countries or bodies, as well as Wali Nanggroe's own experience in the negotiation process with the Government of Indonesia to realize the understanding of the Helsinki MoU in Finland.</em></p>


2021 ◽  
pp. 51-82
Author(s):  
Angélica Caicedo-Moreno ◽  
Pablo Castro-Abril ◽  
Wilson López-López ◽  
Lorena Gil Montes

Colombia had the longest internal armed conflict in Latin America, and its government reached a peace agreement with the FARC guerrillas in 2016. This article explores the transitional justice social representations during the signing of the peace agreement (study 1) and their implementation, during 2019-2020 (study 2). The first study analyzes the news related to the institutions created from the peace agreement during 2016. The second study explores different psychosocial variables associated with its two most controversial institutions, the Truth Commission (TC) and the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) during 2019-2020, after the beginning of its work. The findings revealed that news articles from two principal Colombian newspapers illustrate two anchoring categories of transitional justice with an emphasis on victims, while the political position of the newspaper suggests possible disagreements on what peace entails. Surveys showed that political position and victimization are crucial for the approval and support of the TC and the JEP, as well as correlated with the level of media consumption regarding these institutions. Received: 17 September 2021Accepted: 15 November 2021


2021 ◽  
pp. 002190962110624
Author(s):  
Dana Ali Salih ◽  
Hawre Hasan Hama

The Kurdish Civil War between the military forces of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) began in 1994. Despite frequently occurring peace talks throughout the conflict, negotiations failed to bring about a durable settlement until the United States brokered the Washington Peace Agreement in 1998. This research explores why the earlier negotiations were unsuccessful, and whether it was only the US mediation in 1998 which made the difference. Although the US mediation was clearly an important factor, by employing the contingency model this research argues that both contextual variables and process variables determined the success of negotiations in 1998. Furthermore, they can explain the failure of the previous 4 years of negotiations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-58
Author(s):  
Nadia Abdul Rodhi ◽  
Arie Kusuma Paksi

This journal examines the role of the 18th Asia Game as a diplomatic tool in the Korean peninsula conflict in 2018, specifically in promoting peace on the Korean Peninsula. This journal aims to describe and analyze the effectiveness of sports or Olympics affiliated with the Olympic Council of Asia (OCA) as a unifying tool in pushing for reunification opportunities on the Korean Peninsula. The 18th Asian Games, on the other hand, has played an essential role in uniting North and South Korea into one unit under the same flag in a variety of ways that have had a positive impact on peace between the two countries. This study employs qualitative research methods, such as literature review and triangulation, to collect data. A descriptive-analytical approach was used to collect and analyze data. This study's analysis employs sports diplomacy theory to examine the effectiveness of sports in resolving conflicts on the Korean Peninsula. Because the current state of the Korean peninsula has not entirely resulted in the ideals of the two countries' reunification, the theory of sports diplomacy can identify the factors that support the reduced intensity of the Korean Peninsula's cold war. One of the factors is the role of sport as a tool of sports diplomacy, which has increased opportunities for promoting peace and conflict resolution to reach a peace agreement between the two parties and eventually lead to reunification.


2021 ◽  
pp. 111-135
Author(s):  
Cécile Mouly ◽  
Karen Bustos
Keyword(s):  

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