The Protection of Refugees in International Law Post September 11 2001

Author(s):  
Geoff Gilbert
2003 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 389-408
Author(s):  
Geoff Gilbert

The protection of refugees in international law is always a complex mix of legal obligations and policy considerations. Unfortunately, the reaction against refugees post September 11 has ignored both the facts and the pre-existing law.This paper addresses how refugees have fared in international and domestic law post September 11 2001. Given that a refugee, by definition, has lost the protection of her/his state, there is no body, other than the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), which is able to respond in the face of unjustified restrictions on the rights accorded to this most vulnerable group.The first thing to note is that none of the people involved in the events of September 11 was a refugee. Equally, immediately after the events of September 11, approximately 100,000 Afghans fled Kabul fearing revenge attacks by the United States. At the same time, under pressure from Pakistan and Iran, the United Nations High Commission for Refugees facilitated the repatriation of 215,000 Afghan refugees.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
Behnam Sahranavard ◽  
Ali Asghar Kazemi

The nations take various strategies in exposure to different developments and phenomena and impact on foreign and internal policies of countries in international scene proportional to their internal and external conditions and rivals and at international arena. What US implemented after September 11 Event and targeted accusation finger toward Taliban and Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan is deemed as a type of strategy that has occurred in created nostalgic climate together with hasty decision making and negligence to domestic issues in Afghan Community while their output was to take different and even paradoxical strategies in this crisis-stricken region since 1980s. In this article that has been written in order to analyze US Post September- 11 Strategies in Afghanistan this basic question will be answered that how changes in US macro policies influenced in orientation of diplomacy of this country and why this country has adapted different policies in occupation of Afghanistan. Afterwards, it is deduced according to the given findings from librarian data collection method that the constant changes in US strategy in Afghanistan were due to overlooking of domestic issues and historic, ethnic, cultural, political, and ideological complexities of this country that has resulted in degradation of US position in world scene and its failure in suppression of Taliban.This article has been excerpted from my PhD treatise under title of ‘The role of United States in the regional crisis (e.g. Afghan and Iraqi crises) and the rise of revolutionary and radicalism on the emergence of international terrorism’.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-392 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy Baker Benjamin

At the heart of contemporary international law lies a paradox: the attacks on the United States of September 11, 2001 have justified 16 years of international war, yet the official international community, embodied principally in the United Nations, has failed to question or even scrutinise the US government's account of those attacks. Despite the emergence of an impressive and serious body of literature that impugns the official account and even suggests that 9/11 may have been a classic (if unprecedentedly monstrous) false-flag attack, international statesmen, following the lead of scholars, have been reluctant to wade into what appears to be a very real controversy. African nations are no strangers to the concept of the false flag tactic, and to its use historically in the pursuit of illegitimate geopolitical aims and interests. This article draws on recent African history in this regard, as well as on deeper twentieth-century European and American history, to lay a foundation for entertaining the possibility of 9/11-as-false-flag. This article then argues that the United Nations should seek to fulfil its core and incontrovertible ‘jury’ function of determining the existence of inter-state aggression in order to exercise a long-overdue oversight of the official 9/11 narrative.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mirjana Mandaric

Employing critical social research in combination with critical discourse analysis, this paper examines the use of biometrics technology in the citizenship and immigration context with particular emphasis on its application at the Canada-U.S. border. The central argument of thls paper is that through the use of biometrics technology at the Canada-U.S crossing, the border has become a social filter that separates welcome from unwelcome migrants depending on strategic objectives to include and exclude population groups, which makes them part of a social an economic strategy in the post-September 11 securitized environment. Moreover, the paper takes the position that through the use of biometrics technology at the Canada-U.S. border, the notion of citizenship is being reconstructed whereby racialized migrants and vulnerable populations will be tremendously affected: most notably, poor migrants from the South as well as refugees and asylum seekers from elsewhere.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mirjana Mandaric

Employing critical social research in combination with critical discourse analysis, this paper examines the use of biometrics technology in the citizenship and immigration context with particular emphasis on its application at the Canada-U.S. border. The central argument of thls paper is that through the use of biometrics technology at the Canada-U.S crossing, the border has become a social filter that separates welcome from unwelcome migrants depending on strategic objectives to include and exclude population groups, which makes them part of a social an economic strategy in the post-September 11 securitized environment. Moreover, the paper takes the position that through the use of biometrics technology at the Canada-U.S. border, the notion of citizenship is being reconstructed whereby racialized migrants and vulnerable populations will be tremendously affected: most notably, poor migrants from the South as well as refugees and asylum seekers from elsewhere.


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