Black lives matter versus Castañeda v. Pickard: a utopian vision of who counts as bilingual (and who matters in bilingual education)

2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ramón Antonio Martínez ◽  
Danny C. Martinez ◽  
P. Zitlali Morales
2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-70
Author(s):  
Gaurang Rami ◽  
◽  
Ana Marie Fernandez ◽  

Author(s):  
Cheryl Teelucksingh

On August 12, 2017, in Charlottesville, Virginia, alt-right/White supremacy groups and Black Lives Matter (BLM) supporters came face-to-face regarding what to do about public monuments that celebrate key figures from slavery and the Jim Crow era. White supremacists and White nationalists did not hide their racist ideologies as they demanded that their privileged place in history not be erased. The BLM movement, which challenges state-sanctioned anti-Black racism, was ready to confront themes of White discontent and reverse racism, critiques of political correctness, and the assumption that racialized people should know their place and be content to be the subordinate other.It is easy to frame the events in Charlottesville as indicative of US-specific race problems. However, a sense that White spaces should prevail and an ongoing history of anti-Black racism are not unique to the United States. The rise of Canadian activism under the BLM banner also signals a movement to change Canadian forms of institutional racism in policing, education, and the labor market. This article responds to perceptions that the BLM movement has given insufficient attention to environmental concerns (Pellow 2016; Halpern 2017). Drawing on critical race theory as a conceptual tool, this article focuses on the Canadian context as part of the author’s argument in favor of greater collaboration between BLM and the environmental justice (EJ) movement in Canada. This article also engages with the common stereotype that Blacks in Canada have it better than Blacks in the United States.


Author(s):  
Robin D. G. Kelley

Few activists who march behind the banner of Black Lives Matter conceive of their struggle as an appeal to white people for recognition, but until recently the movement’s objective echoed this implicit line of reasoning: if the dominant class, and/or the state, could just recognize that our lives matter, we would be treated differently. Such assumptions can easily lead us down a slippery slope of reducing five centuries of racism, slavery, and colonialism to a fixed ideology of anti-Blackness intrinsic to the European mind, or worse, mistaking a dynamic racial regime for negligence, ignorance, or “blindness” to our humanity, a humanity that requires a visible struggle to be seen. They can lead, that is to say, to a politics in which recognition takes precedence over revolution and reconstruction.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (Special Issue No. 1) ◽  
pp. 57-70
Author(s):  
Eugene Kabbe ◽  

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Luisa Pérez Cañado ◽  
Borja Ojeda-Pinar

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ashley Lindsay Quigley ◽  
Phi Yen Nguyen ◽  
Haley Stone ◽  
David J. Heslop ◽  
Abrar Ahmad Chughtai ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Yvonne Sherwood

When I began work on this book, back in 2013, I had no nightmares of a man who would be elected to presidential office despite having been recorded bragging openly about ‘grab[bing]’ women ‘by the pussy’: a statement that echoes the worst of biblical pornoprophetic insults, as in Isaiah 3:17. Even the darkest of prophets could not have foretold the appointment of so many North American cabinet members accused of sexual assault, or such a concerted and centralized attack on Planned Parenthood, Black Lives Matter, and queer and migrant/refugee rights. As the essays in this collection clearly show, issues such as hardening borders, guns, and ...


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