ADDRESSING INEQUITIES: LESSONS IN SYNCRETISM FROM MEXICAN AMERICAN AND PUERTO RICAN CHILDREN AT HOME AND AT SCHOOL

Author(s):  
Susi Long ◽  
Dinah Volk

1994 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Adams ◽  
Barbara Astone ◽  
Elsa Nunez-Wormack ◽  
Ivan Smodlaka


Author(s):  
Benjamin Francis-Fallon

A national Latina/o politics emerged over a fifty-year period following the Great Depression. It reflected a broad attempt to forge a nationwide pan-ethnic constituency out of a host of political communities that had most often defined themselves by national origin (e.g., Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban). In almost every case, a central impulse of Latina/o politics was a faith that the country’s diverse Hispanic or Latina/o people had a natural obligation to unite with one another. Some activists and elected officials envisioned Latina/o political power formed in a coalition of communities that would remain distinct. Still others viewed political unification as a means to make concrete their feeling of primordial sameness and to bring about the transcendence of national origin differences. All expected unity to yield durable influence in national affairs. The possibilities of a national “Latin American” electorate began to appear sporadically during the 1960s. Mexican American and Puerto Rican politicians and activists, long seen as regional or local forces at best, embraced the nationalizing power of presidential campaigns and civil rights initiatives. Party elites viewed them as a temporary bloc, one that could be mobilized and demobilized quickly. In the 1970s, however, Latina/o politics was institutionalized. The urge to assemble a “Spanish-speaking vote” from coast to coast brought Latina/o political leaders of diverse ethnic and ideological orientations into greater contact with one another and with the major parties. Republicans attempted to fuse Mexican American voters, traditionally Democrats, with an emerging Cuban American vote in a middle-class “Hispanic Republican Movement.” Latina/o Democrats attempted to join Mexican American and Puerto Rican constituencies and thereby force their party to accept “Latina/os” as a permanent feature of the political landscape. This bipartisan competition defined core constituencies in both parties, with roughly two thirds of Latina/os backing Democrats and a third of Hispanic Americans supporting the GOP, numbers that have held steady since the period of consolidation in the 1970s. White elites in both major parties—including US presidents—provided grass-roots activists and elected officials the resources and legitimacy needed to nationalize Latina/o politics. Yet party incorporation has also enabled elites to manipulate the content and possibilities of Latina/o political organizing in ways that frustrated the search for unity. What emerged was, on one hand, the image of a “sleeping giant” poised to transform the country once it awoke, and on the other, a series of fierce counter-mobilizations that conflated Latina/os’ new prominence with illegality.



Author(s):  
Brian D. Behnken

African Americans and Latino/as have had a long history of social interactions that have been strongly affected by the broader sense of race in the United States. Race in the United States has typically been constructed as a binary of black and white. Latino/as do not fit neatly into this binary. Some Latino/as have argued for a white racial identity, which has at times frustrated their relationships with black people. For African Americans and Latino/as, segregation often presented barriers to good working relationships. The two groups were often segregated from each other, making them mutually invisible. This invisibility did not make for good relations. Latino/as and blacks found new avenues for improving their relationships during the civil rights era, from the 1940s to the 1970s. A number of civil rights protests generated coalitions that brought the two communities together in concerted campaigns. This was especially the case for militant groups such as the Black Panther Party, the Mexican American Brown Berets, and the Puerto Rican Young Lords, as well as in the Poor People’s Campaign. Interactions among African Americans and Mexican American, Puerto Rican, and Cuban/Cuban American illustrate the deep and often convoluted sense of race consciousness in American history, especially during the time of the civil rights movement.









Author(s):  
Frances R. Aparicio

This chapter unravels both the identification and alienation between Intralatino/a children and their parents given the performance of gender and sexuality. I examine the case of Daniel, who is Dominican, Puerto Rican, and Mexican-American, but who identifies strongly with his mother and with her Dominican national identity, thus illustrating the traditional theories regarding the mother’s central role in transmitting culture, especially in mixed families. I also discuss the profound pain of two other Intralatino/as, Mario and Maria Isabel, who counteract Daniel’s narrative by distancing themselves from the problematic gendered and sexual behavior of their respective father and mother. By reading them together, the three narratives critically reflect on gender identities—both their own and those of their parents, revealing how gender and sexuality inform the disavowal of national identities among Intralatino/as.



2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rose A. Trevino ◽  
Liliana Vallejo ◽  
Daniel C. Hughes ◽  
Velda Gonzalez ◽  
Maribel Tirado-Gomez ◽  
...  


2009 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 647-657 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diane L. Frankenfield ◽  
Sangeetha M. Krishnan ◽  
Valarie B. Ashby ◽  
Tempie H. Shearon ◽  
Michael V. Rocco ◽  
...  




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