A Theory of Competitive Partisan Lawmaking

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 423-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith Krehbiel ◽  
Adam Meirowitz ◽  
Alan E. Wiseman

Motivated by polar extremes of monopartisanship and nonpartisanship in existing literature on parties in legislatures, we introduce and analyze a more moderate theory of competitive partisan lawmaking. The distinguishing feature of competitive partisanship is that the minority party, although disadvantaged, has some guaranteed opportunities to influence lawmaking. Our analytic framework focuses on two dimensions of parties in legislatures: agenda-based competition, operationalized as a minority party right to make an amendment to the majority party’s proposal, and resource-based competition, characterized as the ability of both party leaders to use transferable resources when building winning or blocking coalitions. Building on the canonical model, we find that giving voice to the minority party in either one of these ways alone results in outcomes that, on the whole, are less lopsided and more moderate than those predicted by the existing monopartisan and nonpartisan theories.

2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Boris Heersink

Political scientists have traditionally dismissed the Democratic and Republican National Committees as “service providers”—organizations that provide assistance to candidates in the form of campaign funding and expertise but otherwise lack political power. I argue this perspective has missed a crucial role national committees play in American politics, namely that national party organizations publicize their party's policy positions and, in doing so, attempt to create national party brands. These brands are important to party leaders—especially when the party is in the national minority—since they are fundamental to mobilizing voters in elections. In case studies covering the Democratic National Committee (DNC) and Republican National Committee (RNC) in the period 1952–1976, I show that minority party committees prioritize their branding role and invest considerably in their publicity divisions, inaugurate new publicity programs, and create new communication tools to reach out to voting groups. Additionally, I show that in cases where the party is out of the White House, the national committees have considerable leeway in deciding what party image to publicize. Rather than being mere powerless service providers, I show that party committees have played crucial roles in debates concerning questions of ideology and issue positioning in both parties.


2011 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saleh Al Shebil ◽  
Abdul A Rasheed ◽  
Hussam Al-Shammari

AbstractIn recent years, consumer boycotts are increasingly being used by various activist groups to punish targeted countries. This paper develops an analytic framework to help managers formulate strategies to cope with country-of-origin-related consumer boycotts. Based on the two dimensions of brand–country association and boycott intensity, we propose four possible strategies. We discuss spillover effects wherein certain firms become unintended victims of boycotts due to misperceptions about their nationality. Also discussed are economic opportunities that boycotts present to potential new entrants.


2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (5) ◽  
pp. 511-523 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bram Wauters ◽  
Peter Thijssen ◽  
Peter Van Aelst ◽  
Jean-Benoit Pilet

For more than two decades, scholars have been debating the so-called personalization of politics. Some studies confirm such an evolution, while others demonstrate that evidence of personalization is at best mixed, or even absent. This article aims at shedding a new light on this controversy by looking at the evolution of the use of preferential voting in Belgium. Preferential voting has been constantly growing, but since 2007, the trend has been reversed and fewer voters decide to cast a preferential vote. We argue that this decline is not evidence against personalization. Rather, it illustrates the need to distinguish conceptually and empirically between two dimensions of personalization: ‘centralized’ and ‘decentralized’ personalization. The decline in the use of preference votes is not related to a decline in the former (which refers to a handful of political leaders). Instead, it is due to the decline of the latter form of personalization (referring to a large group of individual politicians). Candidates other than party leaders appear to have growing difficulties to attract votes. This negative relationship holds, even when we control for measures of electoral reform and the newness of parties. Our results also show that leadership effects are stronger in new parties.


2019 ◽  
pp. 210-218
Author(s):  
Isabela Mares ◽  
Lauren E. Young

Chapter 8 restates the results of the book and discusses the implications of its findings for ongoing scholarly and policy debate concerning the persistence of electoral clientelism in current democracies. First, the chapter shows that the authors’ account of electoral clientelism presents new micro-foundations for the understanding of the development of political parties in countries with weakly institutionalized party organizations. Parties, it is argued, are loose aggregations of a variety of brokers that are loosely coordinated by party leaders. The book provides tools for understanding the variation across localities in the identities and strategies of these brokers, and can explain variation in the informal organizational structure of different parties. This chapter also discusses the implications of the authors’ findings for the adoption of electoral reforms that aim to reduce the incidence of electoral clientelism. Their study identifies two reasons why such reforms may lead only to modest reductions in the incidence of electoral clientelism. First, because not all voters seem to view candidates who use clientelism negatively, simply increasing transparency to provide voters with information about which candidates are using clientelism may not actually create incentives to reduce it. Second, electoral reforms may be less successful in closing the opportunities for substitution among different clientelistic strategies. The imposition of higher punishments for particular electoral strategies may create opportunities for candidates to strategically switch to forms of clientelism that are punished less severely. The analysis of electoral clientelism advanced in this book provides policymakers with a better analytic framework to consider possible opportunities for substitution among various clientelistic practices that offset the potential for reforms.


2011 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saleh Al Shebil ◽  
Abdul A Rasheed ◽  
Hussam Al-Shammari

AbstractIn recent years, consumer boycotts are increasingly being used by various activist groups to punish targeted countries. This paper develops an analytic framework to help managers formulate strategies to cope with country-of-origin-related consumer boycotts. Based on the two dimensions of brand–country association and boycott intensity, we propose four possible strategies. We discuss spillover effects wherein certain firms become unintended victims of boycotts due to misperceptions about their nationality. Also discussed are economic opportunities that boycotts present to potential new entrants.


2010 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 419-436 ◽  
Author(s):  
David S. Lassen ◽  
Adam R. Brown

The rapid rise of Twitter and other social media tools has enticed many members of Congress to personally use these services. Such waves of technological adoption are comparatively rare in Congressional history, leaving us with little knowledge about why some members of Congress adopt new technologies while others do not. We find that Twitter adoption and use are relatively difficult to predict. Members are more likely to use Twitter if they belong to the minority party, if their party leaders urge them to, if they are young, or if they serve in the Senate. Surprisingly, we find that electoral vulnerability has little or no effect on Twitter adoption or use.


2018 ◽  
Vol 41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alain Pe-Curto ◽  
Julien A. Deonna ◽  
David Sander
Keyword(s):  

AbstractWe characterize Doris's anti-reflectivist, collaborativist, valuational theory along two dimensions. The first dimension is socialentanglement, according to which cognition, agency, and selves are socially embedded. The second dimension isdisentanglement, the valuational element of the theory that licenses the anchoring of agency and responsibility in distinct actors. We then present an issue for the account: theproblem of bad company.


Author(s):  
R. B. Queenan ◽  
P. K. Davies

Na ß“-alumina (Na1.67Mg67Al10.33O17) is a non-stoichiometric sodium aluminate which exhibits fast ionic conduction of the Na+ ions in two dimensions. The Na+ ions can be exchanged with a variety of mono-, di-, and trivalent cations. The resulting exchanged materials also show high ionic conductivities.Considerable interest in the Na+-Nd3+-ß“-aluminas has been generated as a result of the recent observation of lasing in the pulsed and cw modes. A recent TEM investigation on a 100% exchanged Nd ß“-alumina sample found evidence for the intergrowth of two different structure types. Microdiffraction revealed an ordered phase coexisting with an apparently disordered phase, in which the cations are completely randomized in two dimensions. If an order-disorder transition is present then the cooling rates would be expected to affect the microstructures of these materials which may in turn affect the optical properties. The purpose of this work was to investigate the affect of thermal treatments upon the micro-structural and optical properties of these materials.


Author(s):  
J. Holy ◽  
G. Schatten

One of the classic limitations of light microscopy has been the fact that three dimensional biological events could only be visualized in two dimensions. Recently, this shortcoming has been overcome by combining the technologies of laser scanning confocal microscopy (LSCM) and computer processing of microscopical data by volume rendering methods. We have employed these techniques to examine morphogenetic events characterizing early development of sea urchin embryos. Specifically, the fourth cleavage division was examined because it is at this point that the first morphological signs of cell differentiation appear, manifested in the production of macromeres and micromeres by unequally dividing vegetal blastomeres.The mitotic spindle within vegetal blastomeres undergoing unequal cleavage are highly polarized and develop specialized, flattened asters toward the micromere pole. In order to reconstruct the three-dimensional features of these spindles, both isolated spindles and intact, extracted embryos were fluorescently labeled with antibodies directed against either centrosomes or tubulin.


2001 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 98-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anders Sjöberg ◽  
Magnus Sverke

Summary: Previous research has identified instrumentality and ideology as important aspects of member attachment to labor unions. The present study evaluated the construct validity of a scale designed to reflect the two dimensions of instrumental and ideological union commitment using a sample of 1170 Swedish blue-collar union members. Longitudinal data were used to test seven propositions referring to the dimensionality, internal consistency reliability, and temporal stability of the scale as well as postulated group differences in union participation to which the scale should be sensitive. Support for the hypothesized factor structure of the scale and for adequate reliabilities of the dimensions was obtained and was also replicated 18 months later. Tests for equality of measurement model parameters and test-retest correlations indicated support for the temporal stability of the scale. In addition, the results were consistent with most of the predicted differences between groups characterized by different patterns of change/stability in union participation status. The study provides strong support for the construct validity of the scale and indicates that it can be used in future theory testing on instrumental and ideological union commitment.


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