Information from Abroad: Foreign Media, Selective Exposure and Political Support in China

2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 611-636 ◽  
Author(s):  
Haifeng Huang ◽  
Yao-Yuan Yeh

What kind of content do citizens in a developing and authoritarian country like to acquire from Western free media? What are the effects of their potentially selective exposure? In a survey experiment involving 1,200 Chinese internet users from diverse socio-demographic backgrounds, this study finds that Chinese citizens with higher pro-Western orientations and lower regime evaluations are more inclined to read content that is positive about foreign countries or negative about China. More importantly, reading relatively positive foreign media content about foreign countries can improve rather than worsen the domestic evaluations of citizens who self-select such content. The article argues that this is because reputable Western media outlets’ reports are generally more realistic than overly rosy information about foreign socio-economic conditions that popularly circulates in China. Consequently, foreign media may have a corrective function and enhance regime stability in an authoritarian country by making regime critics less critical. The article also introduces a new variant of the patient preference trial design that integrates self-selection and random assignment of treatments in a way that is useful for studying information effects.

2021 ◽  
pp. 095162982098485
Author(s):  
Carlo de Bassa ◽  
Edoardo Grillo ◽  
Francesco Passarelli

Often foreign countries levy sanctions in the attempt to foment discontent with a hostile government. But sanctions may provoke costly reactions by the leaders of the target country. This paper presents a model in which sanctions exhaust the target country economically and impair its government’s fiscal capacity. Then, an office-motivated leader may find it convenient to default on foreign debt in order to free resources that she can invest to regain internal political support. The default thus becomes a defensive tool to partially dampen the internal political turmoil sanctions generate.


2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-311 ◽  
Author(s):  
Haifeng Huang

Despite the prevalence of anti-government rumors in authoritarian countries, little is currently known about their effects on citizens’ attitudes toward the government, and whether the authorities can effectively combat rumors. With an experimental procedure embedded in two surveys about Chinese internet users’ information exposure, this study finds that rumors decrease citizens’ trust in the government and support of the regime. Moreover, individuals from diverse socio-economic and political backgrounds are similarly susceptible to thinly evidenced rumors. Rebuttals generally reduce people’s belief in the specific content of rumors, but often do not recover political trust unless the government brings forth solid and vivid evidence to back its refutation or win the endorsement of public figures broadly perceived to be independent. But because such high-quality and strong rebuttals are hard to come by, rumors will erode political support in an authoritarian state. These findings have rich implications for studies of rumors and misinformation in general, and authoritarian information politics in particular.


2014 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephan Winter ◽  
Nicole C. Krämer

AbstractInternet users have access to a multitude of science-related information – on journalistic news sites but also on blogs with user-generated content. In this context, we investigated in two studies the factors which influence laypersons’ selective exposure (


2022 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Julian Erhardt ◽  
Markus Freitag ◽  
Steffen Wamsler ◽  
Maximilian Filsinger

Author(s):  
Thomas J. Johnson ◽  
Shannon L. Bichard ◽  
Weiwu Zhang

This study uses an online panel of Internet users to examine the degree to which those who visit U.S. political websites and blogs practice selective exposure as they construct their individual political networks. Specifically, the analysis addresses the extent to which individuals say they visit websites and blogs with which they agree and disagree. The findings indicate strong support for the detection of selective exposure in this context. Reliance on political websites and blogs as well as partisanship emerged as predictors of selective exposure for political information after controlling for demographic and political factors.


Politics ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mathew YH Wong

This study examines support for redistribution in the developed economy of Hong Kong from three theoretical perspectives: self-interest, ideology, and social affinity. The analysis uses a between-subjects randomized vignette experiment to explore the interplay between welfare and politics; in particular, it addresses whether people express opposition to a welfare policy to convey political discontent even if they otherwise support the policy. Drawing on a survey of university students (N = 1245), the study finds that self-interest and ideology, and specifically perceptions of social mobility and individual responsibility, are strong predictors of support for redistribution. The vignette experiment provides evidence that politics indeed spills over into support for welfare policies. Respondents expressed less support for public housing if cued that the policy was associated with the government and were already dissatisfied with political leadership. The findings have implications for research on political support for redistribution and welfare policies.


2016 ◽  
Vol 112 ◽  
pp. 3750-3758 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dingding Chen ◽  
Chao-yo Cheng ◽  
Johannes Urpelainen

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philipp Müller ◽  
Anne Schulz

Alongside the recent rise of political populism, a new type of alternative media has established in past years that allegedly contribute to the distribution of the populist narrative. Using a large-scale quota survey of German Internet users (n = 1346) we investigate political and media use predictors of exposure to alternative media with an affinity to populism (AMP). Results reveal substantial differences between occasional and frequent AMP users. While both groups heavily use Twitter and Facebook for political information, occasional AMP users exhibit hardly any specific political convictions (except that they feel less personally deprived than non-users). Contrary to that, frequent AMP exposure is related to higher personal relative deprivation, stronger populist attitudes and a higher likelihood to vote for the right-wing populist party AfD. Against this background, frequent AMP use can be interpreted as partisan selective exposure whereas occasional AMP exposure might result from incidental contact via social media platforms. These findings are discussed regarding the role of alternative and social media in the recent populism wave.


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