Revived and Refreshed

Author(s):  
Thomas J. Johnson ◽  
Shannon L. Bichard ◽  
Weiwu Zhang

This study uses an online panel of Internet users to examine the degree to which those who visit U.S. political websites and blogs practice selective exposure as they construct their individual political networks. Specifically, the analysis addresses the extent to which individuals say they visit websites and blogs with which they agree and disagree. The findings indicate strong support for the detection of selective exposure in this context. Reliance on political websites and blogs as well as partisanship emerged as predictors of selective exposure for political information after controlling for demographic and political factors.

2014 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephan Winter ◽  
Nicole C. Krämer

AbstractInternet users have access to a multitude of science-related information – on journalistic news sites but also on blogs with user-generated content. In this context, we investigated in two studies the factors which influence laypersons’ selective exposure (


Author(s):  
Andrew Flanagin ◽  
Miriam J. Metzger

The rich research heritage on source credibility is fundamentally linked to processes of political communication and the provision of political information. Networked digital technologies, however, have recently complicated the assessment of source credibility by modifying people’s ability to determine source expertise and trustworthiness, which are the foundations upon which credibility evaluations have traditionally rested. This chapter explores source credibility in online contexts by examining the credibility of digital versus traditional channels, the nature of political information conveyed by social media, and the dynamics of political information online. In addition, this chapter considers related research concerns, including the link between credibility and selective exposure, the potential for group polarization, and the role of social media in seeking and delivering credible political information. These concerns suggest challenges and opportunities as information consumers navigate the contemporary information environment in search of the knowledge to make them informed members of a politically engaged citizenry.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 205630512091399
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Dubois ◽  
Sara Minaeian ◽  
Ariane Paquet-Labelle ◽  
Simon Beaudry

As trust in news media and social media dwindles and fears of disinformation and echo chambers spread, individuals need to find ways to access and assess reliable and trustworthy information. Despite low levels of trust in social media, they are used for accessing political information and news. In this study, we examine the information verification practices of opinion leaders (who consume political information above average and share their opinions on social media above average) and of opinion seekers (who seek out political information from friends and family) to understand similarities and differences in their news media trust, fact-checking behaviors, and likeliness of being caught in echo chambers. Based on a survey of French Internet users ( N = 2,000) we find that not only opinion leaders, but also opinion seekers, have higher rates across all three of these dependent variables. We discuss the implications of findings for the development of opinion leadership theory as well as for social media platforms wishing to increase trust.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philipp Müller ◽  
Anne Schulz

Alongside the recent rise of political populism, a new type of alternative media has established in past years that allegedly contribute to the distribution of the populist narrative. Using a large-scale quota survey of German Internet users (n = 1346) we investigate political and media use predictors of exposure to alternative media with an affinity to populism (AMP). Results reveal substantial differences between occasional and frequent AMP users. While both groups heavily use Twitter and Facebook for political information, occasional AMP users exhibit hardly any specific political convictions (except that they feel less personally deprived than non-users). Contrary to that, frequent AMP exposure is related to higher personal relative deprivation, stronger populist attitudes and a higher likelihood to vote for the right-wing populist party AfD. Against this background, frequent AMP use can be interpreted as partisan selective exposure whereas occasional AMP exposure might result from incidental contact via social media platforms. These findings are discussed regarding the role of alternative and social media in the recent populism wave.


Author(s):  
Alessandro Nai

Contemporary political information processing and the subsequent decision-making mechanisms are suboptimal. Average voters usually have but vague notions of politics and cannot be said to be motivated to invest considerable amount of times to make up their minds about political affairs; furthermore, political information is not only complex and virtually infinite but also often explicitly designed to deceive and persuade by triggering unconscious mechanisms in those exposed to it. In this context, how can voters sample, process, and transform the political information they receive into reliable political choices? Two broad set of dynamics are at play. On the one hand, individual differences determine how information is accessed and processed: different personality traits set incentives (and hurdles) for information processing, the availability of information heuristics and the motivation to treat complex information determine the preference between easy and good decisions, and partisan preferences establish boundaries for information processing and selective exposure. On the other hand, and beyond these individual differences, the content of political information available to citizens drives decision-making: the alleged “declining quality” of news information poses threats for comprehensive and systematic reasoning; excessive negativity in electoral campaigns drives cynicism (but also attention); and the use of emotional appeals increases information processing (anxiety), decreases interest and attention (rage), and strengthens the reliance on individual predispositions (enthusiasm). At the other end of the decisional process, the quality of the choices made (Was the decision supported by “ambivalent” opinions? And to what extent was the decision “correct”?) is equally hard to assess, and fundamental normative questions come into play.


Author(s):  
Barbara K. Kaye ◽  
Thomas J. Johnson

This study examined the influence of motivations for, and reliance, on social network sites on selective exposure (purposely seeking agreeable political information) and selective avoidance (purposely dodging disagreeable political information). The results are based on an online survey that was posted during the four-week period surrounding the 2008 presidential election. The responses from 1,530 politically interested social network users revealed five primary motivations were found for accessing social network sites: (1) political information seeking, (2) anti-traditional media sentiment, (3) expression/affiliation, (4) political guidance/judgments, and (5) personal fulfillment. Of these five motivations, the latter three predict selective exposure but none predict selective avoidance. Reliance is not a predictor of selectivity, but gender and several political characteristics are predictors of both selective exposure and selective avoidance.


2010 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 449-469 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas J. Johnson ◽  
Weiwu Zhang ◽  
Shannon L. Bichard

This research used a path analysis model to explore the degree to which reliance on off-line and online media, off-line and online discussion of political issues, as well as political attitudes predict whether an individual will engage in selective exposure to political websites. The study also looked at selective avoidance of contradictory information on websites. The results indicate that respondents did indeed practice selective exposure when accessing information on political websites, especially among those who are politically active online and those who rely heavily on websites and blogs for political information. However, the results showed that selective avoidance did not occur, with those exhibiting increased political interest and online participation significantly less likely to avoid information that challenges their views.


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