Multilateralism with small and large numbers

1992 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 681-708 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miles Kahler

Multilateralism, international governance of the “many,” was defined by the United States after 1945 in terms of certain principles, particularly opposition to bilateral and discriminatory arrangements that were believed to enhance the leverage of the powerful over the weak and to increase international conflict. Postwar multilateralism also expressed an impulse to universality (John Ruggie's “generalized organizing principles”) that implied relatively low barriers to participation in these arrangements. A ticket of admission was always required, whether acceding to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) or joining the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. Nevertheless, the price of that ticket was not set so high that less powerful or less wealthy states could not hope to participate.

2006 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 207-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Serkan Arslanalp ◽  
Peter Blair Henry

At the Gleneagles summit in July 2005, the heads of state from the G-8 countries—the United States, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Russia and the United Kingdom—called on the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank and the African Development Bank to cancel 100 percent of their debt claims on the world's poorest countries. The world's richest countries have agreed in principle to forgive roughly $55 billion dollars owed by the world's poorest nations. This article considers the wisdom of the proposal for debt forgiveness, from the standpoint of stimulating economic growth in highly indebted countries. In the 1980s, debt relief under the “Brady Plan” helped to restore investment and growth in a number of middle-income developing countries. However, the debt relief plan for the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) launched by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund in 1996 has had little impact on either investment or growth in the recipient countries. We will explore the key differences between the countries targeted by these two debt relief schemes and argue that the Gleneagles proposal for debt relief is, at best, likely to have little effect at all. Debt relief is unlikely to help the world's poorest countries because, unlike the middle-income Brady countries, their main economic difficulty is not debt overhang, but an absence of functional economic institutions that provide the foundation for profitable investment and growth. We will show that debt relief may be more valuable for Brady-like middle-income countries than for low-income ones because of how it leverages the private sector.


2003 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 849-871
Author(s):  
Leopold Specht ◽  
Ratna Kapur ◽  
Balakrishnan Rajagopal ◽  
Chantal Thomas ◽  
David M. Trubek

In this presentation I shall describe (i) a process of expanding the institutional frameworks of economic and social development that apply on a global scale principles found in the Anglo-American world; (ii) the reinterpretation of these institutional frameworks by ascribing to them a narrow – to a certain extent ideological – meaning which does not reflect the variety of meanings carried by those institutions in the Anglo-American world; and (iii) the undermining of sovereign decision-making by states in order to regulate economies and social systems in a manner that does not pose limitations to the expansion of the institutional framework as described above. This hegemonic programme of ‘globalization’ is at the heart of policies promoted by the United States and such international institutions as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank.


2021 ◽  
pp. 223386592110248
Author(s):  
Yooneui Kim ◽  
Youngwan Kim

Are international organizations autonomous actors in global politics? This paper investigates whether and how major powers influence the World Bank’s official development assistance policies. Despite the World Bank’s attempts to maintain independence from its member states, we argue that major powers are still influential. Testing this expectation with the data of official development assistance provisions between 1981 and 2017, we find that the World Bank provides a higher amount of official development assistance to the recipient countries that receive a higher amount of such assistance from the major powers such as the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Germany and Japan. In addition, the World Bank is prone to provide a higher amount of official development assistance to the recipients that have a similar preference to the major powers. This study sheds light on the relations between major powers and international organizations.


2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali El-Din Abd El-Badee Al-Qosbi

As a result of empirical data gathered through sociological surveys, the author argues persuasively that Egyptian economic reform policies – largely based on structural readjustment and rehabilitation programmes devised by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank – have adversely affected the most seriously impoverished sectors of Egyptian urban society. The paper examines the correlation between theoretical suppositions of predicted adverse effect on this sector and actual repercussions as evidenced in such indicators as healthcare, sanitation, employment and access to education. While poverty has been a consistent problem and while these policies – which were undertaken in the context of increasing integration into the international market – cannot be blamed for its original occurrence, there is persuasive evidence that they have caused measurable harm, compounded existing inequities and increased the marginalization of Egypt's urban poor who appear to have been among the most adversely affected in the population as a result of the various initiatives.


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