Tudor policy and the Kildare ascendancy in the lordship of Ireland, 1496-1534

1977 ◽  
Vol 20 (79) ◽  
pp. 235-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven G. Ellis
Keyword(s):  
Fourteenth Century ◽  
Government Policy ◽  
Political Control ◽  
Local Power ◽  
Financial Economy ◽  
Irish Politics

The dominance of successive earls of Kildare in Anglo-Irish politics between 1470 and 1534 has prompted historians to label the period that of ‘the Kildare ascendancy’. This term denotes more than just the years in which the earls were in office; it includes assumptions about government policy, and the king’s relations with his Anglo-Irish magnates. From the later fourteenth century, the crown had normally maintained a deputy in Ireland directly from its English resources; and from his salary the deputy agreed to provide a retinue for the defence of the lordship. The scale of subvention and size of the retinue declined progressively, however, and the Irish revenues were too small to support a deputy lacking a substantial landed interest there: the king therefore sacrificed a degree of political control for financial economy and after 1478 relied almost exclusively on the local power of Kildare.

Rural People and Public Justice in Fourteenth-Century Tuscany

2019 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 417-456
Author(s):  
Joseph Figliulo-Rosswurm
Keyword(s):  
Rural Communities ◽  
Fourteenth Century ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Local Power ◽  
Rural People ◽  
Local Dynamics ◽  
Institutional Structures ◽  
Urban Conflicts

Accounts of public justice in the Italian communes emphasize mediation of urban conflicts, overlooking interactions between rural communities and civic tribunals. Foregrounding the countryside reveals how nonelites responded to public courts and procedures such as anonymous denunciation and ex officio inquisition. This article argues that a Florentine court's outcomes resulted from the intersection of institutional structures, local power relations, and rural inhabitants’ in-court behavior. It uses procedural records in conjunction with notarial cartularies and public documentation to explicate the local dynamics shaping testimony. Claiming ignorance was rural peoples’ tactical response to elite malefactors' enmeshment with the commune as rural proxies.

The Royal Navy and the Irish Civil War

1998 ◽  
Vol 31 (121) ◽  
pp. 60-71
Author(s):  
John Linge
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Historical Study ◽  
Political Control ◽  
Royal Navy ◽  
Early Course ◽  
Treaty Ports ◽  
Armed Services ◽  
Revolutionary Period ◽  
Irish Politics

Historical study of the Irish Civil War of 1922–3 has hitherto concentrated overwhelmingly on internal matters — the actual internecine struggle on the ground for ideological and political control. While the value of this approach is obvious, it has inevitably failed to focus on the continuing role of the British armed services; furthermore, an exclusive concern with land-army affairs, whether Irish or British, must result in a distorted picture. It is thus particularly unfortunate that the activities of the Royal Navy during the revolutionary period have been largely neglected. Here it is hoped to demonstrate that the Royal Navy, beyond its expected role of gun-running prevention, did have an influence on the early course of the Civil War, an influence that was, in part, determined by the wider protection of imperial interests once British troops had withdrawn from the localities in May 1922. The fragmentation of southern Irish politics and society, in the wake of the treaty settlement of December 1921, came as a genuine surprise to the Admiralty. At the time, it had taken the promise of peace at face value, making it known that, pending negotiations on certain properties and signal stations, it had little future interest in Ireland provided the three southern ‘treaty ports’ (Cóbh/Queenstown, Berehaven and Lough Swilly) were safeguarded and visiting rights upheld. In such circumstances, there was seen to be no need for the standard Irish Patrol of three destroyers, naval forces being ‘ultimately’ reduced to just two fishery protection vessels. Nor, as future area command was to pass to C.-in-C. Plymouth, was there technical need or political advisability in the retention of the two flag officer commands at Buncrana (C.-in-C. Western Approaches) and Kingstown (Dún Laoghaire).

The Textile Labour Association and Dadagiri: Power and Politics in the Working-Class Neighborhoods of Ahmedabad

2015 ◽  
Vol 87 ◽  
pp. 63-91
Author(s):  
Rukmini Barua
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Oral Narratives ◽  
Political Control ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Power ◽  
Municipal Politics ◽  
Critical Position ◽  
Archival Material ◽  
Union Representative

AbstractThis article explores the changing modes of political practices in the mill neighborhoods of Ahmedabad, through an investigation of the figure of the political intermediary. By focusing primarily on local municipal politics in the mill areas it charts the electoral fortunes of the main union, the Textile Labour Association, and the techniques of political control it exercised. Through an examination of the circulation of local power, I seek to understand the ambiguous but critical position occupied by the intermediary. I use both archival material and oral narratives to investigate the intersections and overlaps between two figures of local importance—the union representative and the neighborhood tough.

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