Reimagining the Oikos

We are currently living through a time in which the line dividing capital and state has dissolved behind repair, where free-market economics and rules of governance have become nothing more than a totality of bio-political control for capitalist and subjective fixes, and, where the distinctions between corporate hegemony, policy making, free-speech and mainstream media have become seemingly non-existent. This text attempts to act as a remedy to this by examining and analyzing some of the key tenets of what must be done in order to create a post-capitalist society, and move towards a reimagined oikos and oikonomia. It focuses largely on the necessity of moving away from subjectivity-centered thought, and towards a new form of materialist universality.

The legislature as political control: change and continuity in Cameroon's National Assembly (1973–2019)

abstractA growing literature has begun to more closely examine African legislatures. However, most of this research has been attentive to emerging democratic settings, and particularly the experiences of a select number of English-speaking countries. By contrast, Cameroon is a Francophone majority country that reintroduced multiparty politics in the early 1990s but continues to exhibit significant authoritarian tendencies. This article provides a longitudinal analysis of Cameroon's National Assembly and builds on a unique biographical dataset of over 900 members of parliament between 1973 and 2019. The article describes changes in the structure and orientation of the legislature as well as the social profile of its members, in particular following the transition to multipartyism. While the legislature in Cameroon remains primarily a tool of political control, it is more dynamic, and the mechanisms used to manage elites within the context of complex multiethnic politics have evolved.

Political Control

Political leaders use different tactics to ensure widespread compliance with state policies and to minimize resistance. Scholarship tends to treat different tactics individually, suggesting fundamental dissimilarities in underpinning logic and goals. We introduce political control as a concept that unifies these different tactics within a single framework and demonstrate the analytical utility of considering seemingly disparate strategies in conversation rather than in isolation. We synthesize a growing recent literature on political control, including innovative approaches to repression as well as studies of indoctrination, distribution, and infiltration. We argue that tactics of political control can be understood to vary along two primary dimensions: the level of violence and the materiality of rewards. We highlight recent inquiry into the downstream effects of political control. We conclude with a call for more research on political control that considers combinations of different tactics, across regime types, in a world where tolerance of violent repression is diminishing. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Political Science, Volume 25 is May 2022. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.

Creta Capta: Late Minoan II Knossos in Mycenaean History

<p>The Late Minoan (LM) II period at Knossos, c. 1470-1420 BC, represented a pivotal point in the history of the Aegean Bronze Age, but the full extent to which it shaped the following centuries has yet to be fully appreciated or studied. During this period, Mycenaeans from the mainland gained control of the palace of Knossos, an administrative centre hitherto unparalleled in their world. From the necessity of maintaining political control over an often hostile island, these Mycenaean dynasts were thrust into new roles, rulers of a palatial administration for the first time. Thus LM II Knossos can be viewed in its neglected aspect as a period of Mycenaean history, and the foundational phenomenon of the florescent Late Helladic III period – the birth of the Mycenaean palaces – can be placed within its proper historical context. The first Mycenaean experiment in palatial administration at LM II Knossos provided the model followed shortly after by the mainland polities, who in following this path to power dominated the Aegean for the next 200 years.</p>

Creta Capta: Late Minoan II Knossos in Mycenaean History

<p>The Late Minoan (LM) II period at Knossos, c. 1470-1420 BC, represented a pivotal point in the history of the Aegean Bronze Age, but the full extent to which it shaped the following centuries has yet to be fully appreciated or studied. During this period, Mycenaeans from the mainland gained control of the palace of Knossos, an administrative centre hitherto unparalleled in their world. From the necessity of maintaining political control over an often hostile island, these Mycenaean dynasts were thrust into new roles, rulers of a palatial administration for the first time. Thus LM II Knossos can be viewed in its neglected aspect as a period of Mycenaean history, and the foundational phenomenon of the florescent Late Helladic III period – the birth of the Mycenaean palaces – can be placed within its proper historical context. The first Mycenaean experiment in palatial administration at LM II Knossos provided the model followed shortly after by the mainland polities, who in following this path to power dominated the Aegean for the next 200 years.</p>

The Indonesian Government's Political Control of the Islamic Ideology Movement in a Country with a Majority of Muslims

Geneological perspective differences on the Jakarta Charter had become the main cause for some Islamic groups to have an endless struggle in embodying Islamism and Islamic ideology formalism as the basis of their philosophy and ideology. Compromise and radicalism are part of the movement of these groups. This study aims to examine the supporters’ movement of the understanding of Islamism and Islamic Idiology formalism in order to get involve in Indonesian political system. The phenomenological constructivism approach is used in understanding the views of New Order Regime and Reforms Regime in dealing with Islamism and Islamic idiology formalism which are taken from interview and document analysis. The results of the study show that the radical issues are far more than the normal level of the Indonesian Islam movement. The concerns of certain groups which are oriented towards the Islamic movement in Indonesia are more co-opted in an anti-Islamic global network sponsored by the United States. The status of the New Order Regime and the Reform Regime do not differ significantly in addressing various state issues related to the issues of the Islamic movement. For these two regimes, Islamism is still seen as a movement that must be tightly controlled, radical issues and terrorism are the most effective political instruments for controlling Islamic nationalism groups whose views differ from secular nationalist groups with regard to national philosophy and identity.

reina María de Castilla y el patronazgo espiritual en Aragón bajo las directrices de la Observancia.

El patrocinio y soporte económico hacia las casas de religiosos fue uno de los métodos mediante el cual las reinas podían demostrar su poder o reforzar su linaje. La creación o reforma de conventos, monasterios u hospitales no cumplió una función meramente piadosa por parte de su promotor, sino que además jugó un papel fundamental con respecto al control político de sus reinos. Para María de Castilla (1401-1458), reina de Aragón, el respaldo hacia ciertos cenobios fue acompañado de la difusión de la Reforma Observante. En ese sentido, el artículo estudia a la reina como benefactora del convento de Santa María de Jesús y el Hospital de Gracia, en Zaragoza, y la iglesia de Magallón, además de destacar su aptitud y manejo en la resolución de los problemas de convivencia de ciertos monasterios aragoneses, a través de las noticias aparecidas básicamente en los registros de la Real Cancillería de la reina custodiados en el ARV y ACA. Palabras clave: María de Castilla, Reino de Aragón, Reforma franciscana observante, Convento de Santa María de Jesús de Zaragoza, Hospital de Gracia de Zaragoza, Iglesia de Magallón. Abstract: Patronage and financial support for religious houses was one of the methods by which queens could demonstrate their power or reinforce their lineage. The creation or reform of convents, monasteries or hospitals did not merely fulfil a pious function on the part of their promoter, but also played a fundamental role with regard to the political control of their kingdoms. For María of Castile (1401-1458), Queen of Aragon, support for certain monasteries was accompanied by the spread of the Observant Reformation. This article studies this monarch as benefactress of the convent of Santa María de Jesús and the hospital of Gracia in Zaragoza, and the church of Magallón as well as highlighting her aptitude and management in resolving the problems of coexistence of certain Aragonese monasteries, through the news that basically appeared in the records of the Queen’s Royal Chancery kept in the Archives of the Kingdom of Valencia and the Crown of Aragon. Keywords: María of Castile, Kingdom of Aragon, Observant Franciscan Reform, Convent of Santa María de Jesús de Zaragoza, Hospital de Gracia of Zaragoza, Church of Magallón.

The functionality of informal trade in the creation of political power

This article delves into the analysis of informal commerce as a means of power created from the street vendor's perspective. This paper aims to evaluate the expressions of the itinerant executors of the practice of informal trade as a means of creating power. To do this, the conception of analysis, using the local practices referring to informal trade, were analyzed as a means of economic sustenance and in the same way, understood among selected groups as illegal. However independent of the local context and the established place. The thesis that follows is that the street trade has a functional character in the obtaining of power by groups; ideological promotion and not just an economic justification. The main findings and results of the research demonstrated that the decisions of the executors of the practice are permeated by a motivation for the illegal practice, which wanders between what is economically necessary and politically permissible. The situation that determines the functionality and applicability of informal trade acts, underestimates compliance with the existence of local trade policies and regulations of social life and instead, they are recognized as legitimate as they belong to groups of political control. Therefore, it contributes to the defense of the hypothesis, based on demonstrating that the practice of ambulance is presented as a valve for attention to unemployment, while it is tolerated as a means of opportunity to the creation of political power independent of the local or regional context.