ALBERT LUTHULI'S PRIVATE STRUGGLE: HOW AN ICON OF PEACE CAME TO ACCEPT SABOTAGE IN SOUTH AFRICA

2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT TRENT VINSON ◽  
BENEDICT CARTON
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
Nobel Peace Prize ◽  
The Press ◽  
National Congress ◽  
To Receive

AbstractIn December 1961, Albert Luthuli, leader of the African National Congress (ANC), arrived in Oslo to receive the Nobel Peace Prize. Journalists in Norway noted how apartheid crackdowns failed to poison the new laureate's ‘courteous’ commitment to nonviolence. The press never reported Luthuli's acceptance that saboteurs in an armed wing, Umkhonto weSizwe (MK or Spear of the Nation), would now fight for freedom. Analyzing recently available evidence, this article challenges a prevailing claim that Luthuli always promoted peace regardless of state authorities who nearly beat him to death and massacred protesting women, children, and men. We uncover his evolving views of justifiable violence, which guided secret ANC decisions to pursue ‘some kind of violence’ months before his Nobel celebration. These views not only expand knowledge of ‘struggle history’, but also alter understandings of Luthuli's aim to emancipate South Africa from a system of white supremacy that he likened to ‘slavery’.

Negotiations About What in South Africa?

1989 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heribert Adam ◽  
Kogila Moodley
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
Political Prisoners ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Policy Document ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
National Congress ◽  
To Receive

Widespread scepticism prevails that the proper conditions for negotiations do not as yet exist in South Africa. Yet, most major parties to the conflict (with the exception of the Pan-Africanist Congress) flaunt negotiations as the magic formula for settling a seemingly intractable dispute. From the western governments to the Soviet Union, from the African National Congress to the National Party, all advocate negotiations. In 1989 the N.P. fought a successful election campaign to receive a mandate for talks. The A.N.C. issued a lengthy policy document that aims at preparing its constituency and setting wellknown preconditions (lifting of the emergency, release of political prisoners and return of exiles, free political activity). Even the Conservative Party admits that it eventually will have to negotiate the boundaries of a Boerestaat when it ‘opts out’ of an increasingly integrated, undivided one-nation state.

Stability and Governability the Benign Effects of Party Dominance in South Africa

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-75
Author(s):  
Ainara Mancebo
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
South African ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
The Other ◽  
Democratic Transitions ◽  
African Countries ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Independence Era ◽  
Party Dominance

A tripartite alliance formed by the African National Congress, the South African Communist Party and the Congress of South African Trade Unions has been ruling the country with wide parliamentarian majorities. The country remains more consensual and politically inclusive than any of the other African countries in the post-independence era. This article examines three performance’s aspects of the party dominance systems: legitimacy, stability and violence. As we are living in a period in which an unprecedented number of countries have completed democratic transitions, it is politically and conceptually important that we understand the specific tasks of crafting democratic consolidation.

Michael Harmel (1915-1974): A South African Communist and His Discourse

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Milan Oralek
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
South African ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
Core Beliefs ◽  
Literary Interpretation ◽  
Nelson Mandela ◽  
Private Correspondence ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Actual Contribution

<p>This thesis explores the life and work of a South African journalist, editor, and activist Michael Alan Harmel (1915–1974), a political mentor and friend of Nelson Mandela. A resolute believer in racial equality and Marxism-Leninism, Harmel devoted his life to fighting, with “the pen” as well as “the sword”, segregation and apartheid, and promoting an alliance of communists with the African National Congress as a stepping stone to socialism in South Africa. Part 1, after tracing his Jewish-Lithuanian and Irish family roots, follows Harmel from his birth to 1940 when, having joined the Communist Party of South Africa, he got married and was elected secretary of the District Committee in Johannesburg. The focus is on factors germane to the formation of his political identity. The narrative section is accompanied by an analytical sketch. This, using tools of close literary interpretation, catalogues Harmel’s core beliefs as they inscribed themselves in his journalism, histories, a sci-fi novel, party memoranda, and private correspondence. The objective is to delineate his ideological outlook, put to the test the assessment of Harmel—undeniably a skilled publicist—as a “creative thinker” and “theorist”, and determine his actual contribution to the liberation discourse.</p>

Michael Harmel (1915-1974): A South African Communist and His Discourse

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Milan Oralek
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
South African ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
Core Beliefs ◽  
Literary Interpretation ◽  
Nelson Mandela ◽  
Private Correspondence ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Actual Contribution

<p>This thesis explores the life and work of a South African journalist, editor, and activist Michael Alan Harmel (1915–1974), a political mentor and friend of Nelson Mandela. A resolute believer in racial equality and Marxism-Leninism, Harmel devoted his life to fighting, with “the pen” as well as “the sword”, segregation and apartheid, and promoting an alliance of communists with the African National Congress as a stepping stone to socialism in South Africa. Part 1, after tracing his Jewish-Lithuanian and Irish family roots, follows Harmel from his birth to 1940 when, having joined the Communist Party of South Africa, he got married and was elected secretary of the District Committee in Johannesburg. The focus is on factors germane to the formation of his political identity. The narrative section is accompanied by an analytical sketch. This, using tools of close literary interpretation, catalogues Harmel’s core beliefs as they inscribed themselves in his journalism, histories, a sci-fi novel, party memoranda, and private correspondence. The objective is to delineate his ideological outlook, put to the test the assessment of Harmel—undeniably a skilled publicist—as a “creative thinker” and “theorist”, and determine his actual contribution to the liberation discourse.</p>

The Afrikaner reaction to the singing of liberation songs in South Africa: The case of Julius Malema’s ‘Dubul’ ibhunu’ (Kill the Boer, Kill the Farmer) song

2021 ◽  
Vol 59 (S) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Chitja Twala
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
National Congress ◽  
The Impact

The article traces the impact and relevance of the singing of the liberation songs by members of the African National Congress (ANC) and the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) in South Africa’s new and fragile democratic dispensation. The study also highlights the reaction of the Afrikaner section of South Africa’s population, which claims that the singing of liberation songs, particularly ‘Dubul’ ibhunu’ promotes racism and hatred. Essentially, this challenge to the song by the Afrikaners was triggered by the singing of it in public by the then ANCYL President Julius Malema. The failure by Malema to refrain from singing this song led to taking the matter to the courts in order to ascertain the relevance of such songs in a democratic South Africa.

scholarly journals The End of the ANC Era: An Analysis of Corruption and Inequality in South Africa

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olivia Lannegren ◽  
Hiroshi Ito
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Relevant Literature ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
African Countries ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
South Africans ◽  
Clear Sign ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Political Turmoil

ANC would always rule in South Africa, the African National Congress (ANC), which has been governing the country since the end of apartheid in 1994, received the worst results ever recorded. The ANC with president Jacob Zuma received 54 percent of the votes, which is a considerable decrease from 62 percent in 2011. This election was a clear sign that the ANC is in trouble towards the 2019 elections. The party seriously needs to rethink its strategies and investigates why the votes are decreasing. Given South Africa being a key player in global governance and in particular a strong leader among the African countries, it is significant to understand this political turmoil, as it may influence the political directions of other countries in that area. With reviews of relevant literature, therefore, this paper analyzes the current political situation in South Africa, focusing on corruption and inequality. The paper suggests connections between corruption, Jacob Zuma, and the potential end of the ANC era. The issues of inequality describes more the difficult situation that South Africans are facing and can be connected to the desire for change. It would be interesting to further analyze whether South Africa would be ready for a multiparty democracy with a peaceful transition of power after the national elections in 2019.

scholarly journals Facilitation and Mediation in South Africa: Three Case Studies

1998 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hendrik Van der Merwe
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
South African ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
The South ◽  
National Congress

In this paper I discuss three case studies of facilitation and mediation in South Africa: 1) facilitation between the South African apartheid establishment and the African National Congress in exile from 1963 to 1989; 2) facilitation that eventually led to mediation between Inkatha and the United Democratic Front in Natal over 10 months from 1985 to 1986; and 3)mediation between the African National Congress and the Afrikaner Freedom Foundation (Afrikaner Vryheidstigting, also known as Avstig) over 18 months from 1991 to 1993.

‘We have nothing to celebrate!’: Fighting gender-based violence in Cape Town, South Africa

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 243-259
Author(s):  
Paula Vermuë
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Cape Town ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Gender Based Violence ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Political Narrative ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Multiple Levels ◽  
Gender Based

Abstract This article illustrates the de-politicisation and re-politicisation of the fight against gender-based violence and femicide in Cape Town, South Africa. Firstly, this article shows how gender-based violence and femicide has been de-politicised through a conservative political narrative of the African National Congress (ANC) and through restricting funding relationships between Northern donor organisations and womxn’s NGOs in Cape Town. Secondly, I argue that, with the emerge of a new autonomous feminist movement in 2018, the Total Shutdown (TTS), the re-politicisation of gender-based violence happened on multiple levels. Not only did the activist movement manage to put gender-based violence back on the political agenda, it also helped NGO benefactors to reconnect with their feminist goals to end femicide in South Africa. This research is based on ethnographic fieldwork in Cape Town from September 2018 until January 2019 and includes the stories of Capetonian NGO benefactors and TTS activists.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document