The Influence of Codex Bezae upon the Geneva Bible of 1560

1961 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce M. Metzger

Although many studies have been published of the history and influence of Codex Bezae, textual critics have hitherto overlooked the contribution which it made to one of the most noteworthy of the earlier English versions of the Bible. This was the sixteenth-century translation prepared by a group of English exiles who had fled to the Continent in order to escape the persecution of Queen Mary Tudor, sometimes referred to as ‘Bloody’ Mary.

Author(s):  
Margaret Christian

Allegoresis is interpreting a text written with straightforward literal intent as if it were an allegory. In typology, a literal person or object is treated as an anticipatory example of someone or something to come. The Bible was the most important text subject to this kind of reading, including by New Testament writers. A sampling of commentaries on the parable of the sower (Matthew 13) and the rivalry between Mary and Martha (Luke 10) demonstrates the stability of allegorical readings from the patristic to the early modern era. Although the extent to which the Bible was properly read allegorically was hotly debated in the sixteenth century, even William Tyndale’s practice had much in common with traditional four-fold interpretation. Marginal glosses from the Geneva Bible indicate the general acceptance (and by extension, the transparency) of allegorical reading. Spenser’s use of words like “type,” “shadow,” “image,” and “figure” refer to traditional biblical exegesis, adapting a method familiar to Elizabethans from religious sources.


Author(s):  
Iain R. Torrance

The Geneva Bible is commonly thought of as a single version produced by the Marian exiles with marginal notes which was disliked by King James VI and superseded by the Authorized or King James Version after 1611. The chapter shows that there were three major text forms in the Geneva Bible tradition: the ‘pure’ Genevans, the Geneva Tomson version which followed Beza’s Latin New Testament, and finally the Geneva Tomson Junius version which added a very extensive commentary to the Book of Revelation. Moreover, study of the material culture of what must be understood as the Geneva Bible ‘project’ shows that different typefaces and different bundling of paratextual additions were designed to appeal to different readerships. Two distinctive Geneva Bible versions were published in Scotland (the Arbuthnot/Bassandyne text of 1579 and the Andro Hart text of 1610). It is suggested that use of the Geneva tradition flourished in Scotland until about 1640 and fostered a highly informed, argumentative sense of separate religious identity.


Author(s):  
Alison M. Jack

In this chapter the ubiquity of references to the Prodigal Son in Shakespeare’s work is explored, leading to a discussion of Shakespeare’s use of the Bible in general and of the Geneva Bible in particular. Two plays are considered in detail: Henry IV Part 1 and King Lear. It is suggested that Shakespeare offers a creative exegesis, or midrash, of the parable in both plays. In the first, the parable is reworked in a way which leads the reader to question the motives of both Hal and the Prodigal in the original text. In the second, the complex overlay of the parable on the plot and characterization offers at least the possibility of grace and hope at the end of the play.


Author(s):  
Barbara Pitkin

The chapter examines John Calvin’s commentary on Exodus through Deuteronomy (1563) through the lens of sixteenth-century historical jurisprudence, exemplified in the works of Calvin’s contemporaries François de Connan and François Baudouin. Recent scholarship has demonstrated how Calvin’s historicizing exegesis is in continuity with broader contemporary trends in premodern Christian biblical interpretation; this chapter explores another essential context for Calvin’s approach to the Bible. The intermingling of narrative and legal material in these four biblical books inspired Calvin to break with his customary practice of lectio continua and apply his historical hermeneutic more broadly and creatively to explain the Mosaic histories and legislation. Calvin’s unusual and unprecedented arrangement of the material in this commentary and his attention to the relationship between law and history reveal his engagement with his generation’s quest for historical method.


Author(s):  
John G. Stackhouse

No tradition of Christianity loves and venerates the Bible more than does evangelical Protestantism. The history of this love affair dates back to Evangelicalism’s extended roots in the sixteenth century. In fact, precisely because evangelicals tend to set aside other religious resources such as liturgies, creedal statements, sacramental rituals, and clerical hierarchies in favor of the Bible, the identity, activity, and vitality of evangelicals has depended crucially upon the Bible in their midst. This chapter surveys how the Bible has figured in evangelical life and suggests how the role of the Bible is under stress amid sweeping changes in contemporary evangelicalism’s theology, piety, and mission.


2005 ◽  
Vol 98 (4) ◽  
pp. 469-488 ◽  
Author(s):  
Constance M. Furey

The scathing insults that fill texts by sixteenth-century Christian reformers can shock even a jaded modern reader. In the prefatory letter to the Babylonian Captivity of the Church (1520), for example, Martin Luther begins by wishing for “grace and peace in Christ” before launching his attack on the “brainless and illiterate beast in papist form” and its “whole filthy pack of … asses,” and concludes by exhorting his reader to rise up against the Catholic hierarchy: “Continue courageously, noble sir; in this way the disgrace of the Bohemian name will be abolished, and the sludge of the harlot's lies and whoring shall again be taken up in her breast.” Or consider the nasty invectives by the English Lord Chancellor and future Catholic martyr, Thomas More, against not only Luther but also Matthew Tyndale, who translated the Bible into English. More calls these men the “devil's disciples”: Luther “a pimp, an apostate, a rustic, and a friar”; and Tyndale “a babbler, and a devil's ape.” Even Desiderius Erasmus, the erudite Catholic humanist, filled his writings with insults both satirical and blunt and proclaimed that theologians “are more stupid than any pig” (sue stupidiores). Fierce words commonly appear in the midst of religious controversies, and one may choose to skim past this hyperbolic outrage in search of the real message. Insulting rhetoric, however, does provide a sensitive barometer of religious concerns in the sixteenth century and yields unexpectedly complex answers to a simple question. What does negative speech accomplish?


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