The Archetypal Doric Temple

1970 ◽  
Vol 65 ◽  
pp. 17-19
Author(s):  
R. M. Cook
Keyword(s):  
Peripheral Region ◽  
Seventh Century ◽  
Improved Technique ◽  
The Temple

Doric architecture seems to have arisen suddenly in Greece. Till the beginning of the seventh century, to judge by excavated remains and models, masonry was rough, roofs were either of thatch and high-pitched or of mud and flat, plans were imprecise, and style was nondescript or non-existent without any hint of the characteristic components of the Doric order. Yet by 630 in the artistically peripheral region of Aetolia the new temple of Apollo at Thermon shows carefully squared stonework (or so it may be inferred), a tiled and therefore low-pitched roof and exact planning; and there are remains of metopes, cornice, simas, and perhaps acroteria—the metopes at least being properly Doric. It is a fair conclusion that improved technique and materials and the consequent transformation of the aspect and proportions of the temple came in about the middle of the seventh century and that the Doric order was invented for this incipient architecture. Certainly there was little time for evolution.

scholarly journals The Foundation of the Qubbat as-Sakhrah Sanctuary as an expression of Abd-al Malik Ibn Marwan’s piety and/or political premises

1970 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 37-44
Author(s):  
Przemysław Nowogórski
Keyword(s):  
Seventh Century ◽  
Dome Of The Rock ◽  
Temple Mount ◽  
The Temple

At the end of the seventh century, Caliph Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan built the Qubbat as-Sakhrah sanctuary on the Temple Mount in Jerusalem. It is difficult to explain the reasons for the foundation of the sanctuary. The caliph may have wanted to make it an alternative destination for the Hajj, as Mecca was under the occupation of Anti-caliph Ibn al-Zubayr. Another reason may have been tied to the caliph’s desire to commemorate Prophet Muhammad’s Night Journey. The surviving written records fail to provide an unambiguous explanation of either of these hypotheses. The location, architecture, and decoration of the Dome of the Rock suggest that the Caliph built a magnificent monument for the greater power and glory of Islam.  

Feasts of the Virgin in the liturgy of the Anglo-Saxon church

1984 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 209-233 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Clayton
Keyword(s):  
Seventh Century ◽  
Anglo Saxon ◽  
The Temple

By the end of the Anglo-Saxon period six feasts of the Virgin were celebrated in England; this large number represents an honour granted to no other saint. The feasts in question – the Purification, Annunciation, Assumption, Nativity, Presentation in the Temple and Conception – did not originate in England, however. Before turning to the English evidence, therefore, it is necessary to consider the background of Marian feasts at Rome and elsewhere in the context of the development of ritual from the seventh century to the eleventh.

scholarly journals The Dates of the Vases called ‘Cyrenaic’

1910 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. P. Droop
Keyword(s):  
Seventh Century ◽  
British School ◽  
Chronological Sequence ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Temple

The literature dealing with the so-called ‘Cyrenaic’ vases is comparatively so huge that some excuse is needed for a fresh approach to the subject. That excuse is to be found in the new light shed on these vases through the recent excavations at Sparta by the British School at Athens, of which one result has been the discovery that Laconia was the home of the school which produced them.At Sparta this distinctive Laconian style is presented in good chronological sequence, and its course can be traced from its rise in the early seventh century, through its development and decline in the sixth and fifth centuries, to its end in the latter part of the fourth.It is true that the finds of pottery at the shrine of Artemis Orthia at Sparta consist of fragments of dedicated vases, the refuse, in fact, thrown out from time to time from the temple, so that what is presented by the stratification of the site is the chronological sequence not of the manufacture of the vases but of their destruction. Yet the development of the style as a whole, even when judged by the stratification, is so regular that it may be assumed that in most cases the order of destruction corresponded with that of manufacture. In any case the destruction of the older temple at the close of the seventh century gives at least one point where such correspondence is certain. Vases thrown out from the new temple must have been dedicated after the destruction of the older building. To divide the style with much certainty into six chronological periods called, and approximately dated

scholarly journals Fundacja sanktuarium Kubbat As-Sachra wyrazem pobożności lub polityki kalifa ABD AL-MALIKA IBN MARWANA

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 39-46
Author(s):  
Przemysław Nowogórski
Keyword(s):  
Seventh Century ◽  
Temple Mount ◽  
The Temple ◽  
Written Sources

At the end of the seventh century Caliph Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan built the sanctuary Qubbat as-Sachra on the Temple Mount in Jerusalem. It is difficult to explain the reasons for this foundation. Perhaps he wanted to make it a place of hajj. During this time, Mecca was under the occupation of the anti-caliph Ibn Zubair. Another reason could be the desire to commemorate the night journey of the Prophet Muhammad. Available written sources do not clearly explain any of these hypotheses. The location, architecture and decoration suggest that the Caliph built a magnificent monument to the power and glory of Islam.

Rome's Holy Mountain

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason Moralee
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Late Antiquity ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
Seventh Century ◽  
Roman History ◽  
The Third ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Hill ◽  
The Temple ◽  
Remote Past

Rome’s Capitoline Hill was the smallest of the Seven Hills of Rome. Yet in the long history of the Roman state it was the empire’s holy mountain. The hill was the setting of many of Rome’s most beloved stories, involving Aeneas, Romulus, Tarpeia, and Manlius. It also held significant monuments, including the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, a location that marked the spot where Jupiter made the hill his earthly home in the age before humanity. This book follows the history of the Capitoline Hill into late antiquity and the early Middle Ages, asking what happened to a holy mountain as the empire that deemed it thus became a Christian republic. This is not a history of the hill’s tonnage of marble- and gold-bedecked monuments but, rather, an investigation into how the hill was used, imagined, and known from the third to the seventh century CE. During this time, the triumph and other processions to the top of the hill were no longer enacted. But the hill persisted as a densely populated urban zone and continued to supply a bridge to fragmented memories of an increasingly remote past through its toponyms. This book is also about a series of Christian engagements with the Capitoline Hill’s different registers of memory, the transmission and dissection of anecdotes, and the invention of alternate understandings of the hill’s role in Roman history. What lingered long after the state’s disintegration in the fifth century were the hill’s associations with the raw power of Rome’s empire.

The Old Akkadian presence in Nineveh: Fact or fiction

Iraq ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 7-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joan Goodnick Westenholz
Keyword(s):  
Seventh Century ◽  
Archaeological Evidence ◽  
Northern Site ◽  
First Millennium ◽  
The Temple ◽  
The Town

The goal of this article is to investigate the enigma of the Old Akkadian presence at Nineveh. After reviewing the written and archaeological evidence for such a presence, the lack of evidence at Nineveh will be compared with the comparatively richer testimony of the Old Akkadian occupation at Assur. The thesis of this paper is that Šamši-Adad's claim that Maništušu was the original builder of the temple of Ištar of Nineveh should be regarded as suspect in the absence of any other data to back up his claim. I would like to make it clear that I am not insisting that Nineveh was a desolate site with no inhabitants during the Old Akkadian period. On the contrary, I do believe that it was inhabited at this time, although the evidence is meagre. However, who these inhabitants were is a question that needs to be answered. An official residence or presence of the Old Akkadians at the site seems unlikely, and I hope that I can prove this thesis to you.The previously cited proof of an Old Akkadian presence in Nineveh rests on primary and secondary evidence. The primary evidence said to reflect such a presence implies Old Akkadian texts and objects. However, the Old Akkadian texts consist of a few fragments of two broken stone inscriptions bearing royal dedications of the Old Akkadian king Naram-Sin. The fragments were found in the area of the first-millennium Nabû temple. These dedications apparently recorded Naram-Sin's rebuilding of the Ekur in Nippur and were not concerned with any northern site. Consequently, the original inscriptions, of which these fragments are remnants, were probably brought to Nineveh in the seventh century from Nippur. They were carried there presumably at the same time as the Šulgi foundation document from Kutha and the Warad-Sin inscription from Ur, so they can hardly be used as evidence of an official Old Akkadian residence in Nineveh. Moreover, there is not one reference to the town of Nineveh in Old Akkadian sources.

Spartan Austerity

1977 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. J. Holladay
Keyword(s):  
Seventh Century ◽  
Sixth Century ◽  
Clear Cut ◽  
The Temple

Excavations at Sparta early in this century seemed at the time to have provided a fairly clear-cut and decisive answer to questions about the character of Spartan life in the archaic and classical periods. In the seventh century B.C. and the beginning of the sixth century, it was thought, life was comfortable and even luxurious but thereafter comforts and luxuries disappeared from among the offerings at the temple of Artemis Orthia and so, it was held, from Spartan life.

scholarly journals The Victory of Islam over the Buddhist Religion (Reviewing the Inscriptions of the Shrine of Imamzadeh Mulla “Ma’sum” of Maragheh)

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 636-646
Author(s):  
Samad P. Parvin ◽  
◽  
Saeid S. Sattarnejad ◽  
Elham H. Hendiani ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Religious Beliefs ◽  
Field Research ◽  
Eighth Century ◽  
Seventh Century ◽  
Historical Sources ◽  
Buddhist Temple ◽  
The Temple

Research objectives: The main purpose of this article is to study the Quranic inscription of the Imamzadeh Ma’sum Temple in Maragheh. This inscription shows the evolution of religious beliefs during the Ilkhanid period in Iran which started from the se­venth century AH and continued until the eighth century AH. The main religions of the Ilkhanid rulers were Buddhism and Christianity, but they gradually adopted Islam as the official religion of government. The influence of the process of conversion has left traces in some of the inscriptions of this period. Another purpose of this study is to introduce the Imamzadeh Ma’sum temple as one of the Buddhist temples in Iran. Research materials: In this study, the authors have used two methods, namely field research and library surveys. Regarding the first method, the temple of Imamzadeh Ma’sum was examined. Regarding the second method, the historical sources of the Ilkhanid period, such as the Jami’ al-tawarikh of Khajeh Rashid al-Din Faḍlullah Hamadani, were used. These works refers to the situation of Buddhists in Iran during the Ilkhanid period (i.e. the seventh century AH). Results and novelty of the research: The results of the authors’ research in this article have demonstrated that the temple of Imamzadeh Ma’sum of Maragheh was one of the Buddhist temples in Iran. This Buddhist temple was changed to an Islamic mosque after the conversion of Ghazan Khan in 694 AH. The surviving Qur’anic inscription inside the buil­ding refers to the victory of Islam over Buddhism.

The old platform in the Argive Heraeum

1984 ◽  
Vol 104 ◽  
pp. 183-184
Author(s):  
Hugh Plommer
Keyword(s):  
Bronze Age ◽  
Recent Article ◽  
Seventh Century ◽  
Late Bronze Age ◽  
Classical Structure ◽  
The Temple ◽  
The Bronze Age

In his recent article ‘The Old Temple Terrace at the Argive Heraeum’, J. C. Wright discusses the date of the platform supporting the remains of the earliest Argive Heraeum—in other words, the uppermost terrace of the Hellenic (viz. Classical) Heraeum. Is it itself a Classical structure, or a late Bronze Age platform re-used to accommodate the first peripteral temple of the seventh century BC? Wright would connect both the platform and the temple upon it with the first stages of proper Hellenic culture, in the eighth and seventh centuries BC. On pp. 191 ff, he denies that I can possibly be right in following the oldest investigators and assigning this platform to the Bronze Age. But I must confess that his arguments, however learned, have so far failed to shake my conviction.

scholarly journals Continuatio, Renovatio and Innovatio: The birth of the Doric temple

1970 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 9-38
Author(s):  
Erik Østby
Keyword(s):  
Bronze Age ◽  
Iron Age ◽  
Creative Process ◽  
Retaining Wall ◽  
Seventh Century ◽  
Early Iron Age ◽  
New Synthesis ◽  
Religious Associations ◽  
And Function ◽  
The Temple

The origin of the Doric temple can be explained as a result of a creative process based on traditions and elements from Bronze Age culture. The cella, based on a house type which can be traced from the Mycenaean palace “megara” back to prehistoric periods, may have been modelled on Mycenaean buildings of this type still preserved in the early Iron Age and used for religious purposes; there is some evidence for such situations at Eleusis and Tiryns. The Doric formal apparatus of columns and epistyle is explained as a conscious imitation of Mycenaean decorative architecture still visible in the eight and seventh centuries, initially transposed to wooden architecture. The peristasis reflects ancient religious associations connected with the columns, which when surrounding the temple make its religious status and function evident, even if only the flanks or rear of the building can be seen when the sanctuary is approached. A case can be made for pin-pointing the new synthesis to the Heraion at Argos in the Late Geometric period, where the topographical situation and the location close to the impressive monuments at Mycenae, and the desire to emulate these monuments (demonstrated by the retaining wall of the upper platform datable to this period) together created favourable circumstances for such an invention. In this case, the old temple of Hera may have been the first truly Doric and peripteral temple, dating perhaps as early as the late eight or early seventh century BC.

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