A mismatch between morphological and prosodic domains: evidence from two Igbo rules

Phonology ◽  
1992 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth C. Zsiga
Keyword(s):  
Domain Structure ◽  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Vowel Harmony ◽  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Phonological Word ◽  
Domain Boundaries ◽  
Word Boundaries ◽  
Prosodic Categories ◽  
Phonological Phrase ◽  
Phonological Rules

In order to adequately describe the application of phonological rules across word boundaries, phonologists have appealed to the notion of prosodic domains (Selkirk 1980, 1986; Nespor & Vogel 1982, 1986; Kaisse 1985; Inkelas & Zee 1990). This research has suggested that the domains within and across which rules apply cannot be defined in purely syntactic terms, but rather that a domain structure consisting of prosodic entities such as the phonological word, phonological phrase and intonational phrase must be built up from the syntactic structure. It is to these prosodic categories that phonological rules refer. Prosodic domains are derived from but not necessarily coextensive with syntactic or morphological domains. In fact, some of the best evidence for the necessity of a prosodic structure in addition to a syntactic structure comes from cases where the two donotmatch, and where the correct phonological generalisations can only be captured in terms of the prosodic structure. Igbo presents just such a mismatch. This paper will examine two rules - ATR vowel harmony and vowel assimilation - that make the mismatch clear. These two rules apply in complementary situations: harmony applies only within the word, assimilation only between words. Both rules delineate the same domain, although one operates within the domain boundaries, one across them.

scholarly journals Phonological phrasing and ATR vowel harmony in Akan

Phonology ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 177-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Kügler
Keyword(s):  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Vowel Harmony ◽  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
General Process ◽  
Sensitive Analysis ◽  
Serial Verb Constructions ◽  
Internal Structures ◽  
Verb Constructions ◽  
Serial Verb ◽  
Phonological Phrase

This paper examines phonological phrasing in the Kwa language Akan. Regressive [+ATR] vowel harmony between words (RVH) serves as a hitherto unreported diagnostic of phonological phrasing. In this paper I discuss VP-internal and NP-internal structures, as well as SVO(O) and serial verb constructions. RVH is a general process in Akan grammar, although it is blocked in certain contexts. The analysis of phonological phrasing relies on universal syntax–phonology mapping constraints whereby lexically headed syntactic phrases are mapped onto phonological phrases. Blocking contexts call for a domain-sensitive analysis of RVH assuming recursive prosodic structure which makes reference to maximal and non-maximal phonological phrases. It is proposed (i) that phonological phrase structure is isomorphic to syntactic structure in Akan, and (ii) that the process of RVH is blocked at the edge of a maximal phonological phrase; this is formulated in terms of a domain-sensitive CrispEdge constraint.

scholarly journals The Syntax and Prosody of Weak Pronouns in Chamorro

2003 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 547-599 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra Chung
Keyword(s):  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Linguistic Theory ◽  
Mutual Interaction ◽  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Austronesian Language ◽  
Independent Components ◽  
Prosodic Phrase ◽  
Phonological Phrase

In the modular linguistic theory assumed by many generative linguists, phonology and syntax are interconnected but fundamentally independent components of grammar. The effects of syntax on phonology are mediated by prosodic structure, a representation of prosodic constituents calculated from syntactic structure but not isomorphic to it. Within this overall architecture, I investigate the placement of weak pronouns in the Austronesian language Chamorro. Certain Chamorro pronominals can be realized as prosodically deficient weak pronouns that typically occur right after the predicate. I showthat these pronouns are second-position clitics whose placement is determined not syntactically, but prosodically: they occur after the leftmost phonological phrase of their intonational phrase. My analysis of these clitics assumes that lexical insertion is late and can affect and be affected by prosodic phrase formation-assumptions consistent with the view that the mutual interaction of phonology and syntax is confined to the postsyntactic operations that translate syntactic structure into prosodic structure.

Wordhood in Chamacoco

2020 ◽  
pp. 78-120
Author(s):  
Luca Ciucci
Keyword(s):  
Morphological Structure ◽  
Vowel Harmony ◽  
Prosodic Features ◽  
Complex Predicates ◽  
Phonological Word ◽  
Word Classes ◽  
Concept Of Word ◽  
Phonological Rules

This chapter investigates ‘wordhood’ in Chamacoco, a Zamucoan language with about 2,000 speakers who traditionally inhabit the department of Alto Paraguay in Paraguay. After having examined the concept of ‘word’ in Chamacoco culture and the phonological inventory of the language, this chapter defines the phonological word according to its phonological rules, segmental features, and prosodic features (stress, nasal harmony and vowel harmony). Then, the morphological structure of the main word classes (verbs, nouns and adjectives) is outlined in order to identify the grammatical word and the mismatches between phonological and grammatical word. The latter can consist of one or more phonological words, as for compound subordinators, complex predicates, and instances of reduplication. By contrast, owing to cliticization, one phonological word can comprise two or more grammatical words. Finally, the chapter describes the properties of regular clitics and distinguishes them from morphemes which are independent phonological words frequently undergoing cliticization.

Edge-tone effects and prosodic domain effects on final lengthening

2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charalambos Themistocleous
Keyword(s):  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Domain Specific ◽  
Phonological Word ◽  
Specific Effects ◽  
Syllable Duration ◽  
Domain Boundaries ◽  
Syllable Onset

This study reports two experiments that investigate the edge-tones and domain-specific effects on final lengthening. The study shows that in Cypriot Greek the following occur: (a) lengthening applies primarily on the syllable nucleus not the syllable onset, which suggests variety specific effects of lengthening; (b) lengthening depends on the edge-tones, namely, polar questions trigger more lengthening than statements and wh-questions; (c) lengthening provides support for at least two distinct prosodic domains over the phonological word, the intonational phrase and the intermediate phrase; greater lengthening associates with the first and shorter lengthening with the latter; (d) finally, syllable duration depends on the syllable distance from the boundary, i.e. lengthening locally applies on penultimates and ultimates whereas antepenultimates are affected the least. Additionally, by pointing to the distinct lengthening effects of edge-tones and domain-boundaries, the aforementioned findings highlight the application of different lengthening devices. Keywords: Prosodic structure; preboundary lengthening; edge-tone lengthening; Cypriot Greek

scholarly journals On tone and segmental processes in Akan phrasal words: A prosodic account

2004 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Ofosu Marfo
Keyword(s):  
Intermediate Phase ◽  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Interface Analysis ◽  
Prosodic Phonology ◽  
Word Compound ◽  
Lexical Phonology ◽  
Phonological Rules

Based on where and how phonological rules apply, studies in Lexical Phonology (Mohanan 1986; Kiparsky 1985; Pulleyblank 1986; etc.) distinguish between two levels in the phonology; namely, lexical and post-lexical. At the post-lexical level, the various phonological rules normally require particular domains, without which they fail to apply. The question that follows is where and how we define these domains. Considering Akan Noun-Noun and Noun-Adjective phrasal word (compound) constructions in prosodic phonology (Selkirk 1986, Nespor and Vogel 1986 and Hayes 1989; etc.), this paper touches on some aspects of the prosody-syntax interface on the idea that the domain of a post-lexical rule is drawn from the prosodic component, an intermediate phase of interface analysis. The rules that come to bear are tonal (i.e. H-Deletion, H-Insertion and Boundary assimilation) and segmental (i.e. Prefix deletion and Diphthong simplification) ones that apply on the dictates of particular prosodic domain attainment. Thus, this paper argues that the syntactic structure influences these phonological rules, but indirectly through the prosodic structure (Inkelas 1989). Finally, the paper claims that with the prosodic domains occurrences are better defined and accounted for.

The Syntax–Prosody Interface

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan Bennett ◽  
Emily Elfner
Keyword(s):  
Sentence Processing ◽  
Word Order ◽  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Hierarchy Theory ◽  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Broad View ◽  
Prosodic Categories ◽  
Crosslinguistic Variation ◽  
Indirect Reference

This article provides an overview of current and historically important issues in the study of the syntax–prosody interface, the point of interaction between syntactic structure and phrase-level phonology. We take a broad view of the syntax–prosody interface, surveying both direct and indirect reference theories, with a focus on evaluating the continuing prominent role of prosodic hierarchy theory in shaping our understanding of this area of linguistics. Specific topics discussed in detail include the identification of prosodic domains, the universality of prosodic categories, the recent resurgence of interest in the role of recursion in prosodic structure, crosslinguistic variation in syntax–prosody mapping, prosodic influences on syntax and word order, and the influence of sentence processing in the planning and shaping of prosodic domains. We consider criticisms of prosodic hierarchy theory in particular, and provide an assessment of the future of prosodic hierarchy theory in research on the syntax–prosody interface.

Recursive phonological phrasing in Basque

Phonology ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gorka Elordieta
Keyword(s):  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
The Other ◽  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Left Edge ◽  
The One ◽  
Phonological Phrase

This paper presents data that force a revised account of the distribution of downstep and pitch reset in Lekeitio Basque. In the light of these data, previous analyses of pitch reset in Lekeitio Basque make wrong predictions. On the one hand, pitch reset is predicted where downstep occurs, and on the other, an ordinary reset is predicted where a large reset occurs. The occurrence of downstep and pitch reset, as well as the amount of pitch reset observed, is best accounted for under the assumption that languages possess a hierarchical prosodic structure that roughly matches the surface syntactic structure of a sentence, including levels of embedding or nesting of syntactic constituents. The analysis proposed in this paper is that pitch reset in Lekeitio Basque applies at the left edge of a non-minimal phonological phrase, i.e. a phonological phrase that dominates at least another phonological phrase.

scholarly journals The prosodic word is not universal, but emergent

2010 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 657-709 ◽  
Author(s):  
RENÉ SCHIERING ◽  
BALTHASAR BICKEL ◽  
KRISTINE A. HILDEBRANDT
Keyword(s):  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Phonological Processes ◽  
Prosodic Word ◽  
Phonological Rule ◽  
Actual Degree ◽  
Construction Type ◽  
Sound Patterns ◽  
Phonological Phrase ◽  
Frequent Reference ◽  
Phonological Rules

In Prosodic Phonology, domains for the application of phonological patterns are commonly modeled as a Prosodic Hierarchy. The theory predicts, among other things, that (i) prosodic domains cluster on a single universal set of domains (‘Clustering’), and (ii) no level of prosodic structure is skipped in the building of prosodic structure unless this is required by independently motivated higher ranking principles or constraints (‘Strict Succession’). In this paper, we demonstrate that if, as is standardly done, evidence is limited to lexically general phonological processes, some languages systematically violate the Strict Succession Prediction, evidencing no prosodic word domain, and some languages systematically violate the Clustering Prediction, evidencing more than one domain between the phonological phrase and the foot. We substantiate these claims by in-depth studies of phonological rule domains in Vietnamese (Austroasiatic) and Limbu (Sino-Tibetan). As an alternative to the Prosodic Hierarchy framework, we advocate a heuristic for cross-linguistic comparison in which prosodic domains are conceived of as language-particular, intrinsic and highly specific properties of individual phonological rules or constraints. This allows us to explore empirically the actual degree of variation to be encountered across prosodic systems. It turns out that the ‘word’ has no privileged or universal status in phonology, but only emerges through frequent reference of sound patterns to a given construction type in a given language.

The phonological word and stress assignment in Turkish

Phonology ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barış Kabak ◽  
Irene Vogel
Keyword(s):  
Vowel Harmony ◽  
Stress Assignment ◽  
Phonological Word ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Phonological Phrase

It is generally believed that Turkish stress is always word-final. Closer examination, however, reveals several types of exceptions to this pattern involving both roots and affixes. This paper proposes a unified analysis of regular and irregular stress in Turkish that crucially depends on our definition of the Phonological Word. In addition, we discuss stress in constituents beyond the word, and provide evidence for the Clitic Group as well as the Phonological Phrase. Finally, we also briefly discuss vowel harmony and a set of syllabification phenomena, and show how the latter, in particular, provide independent support for the proposal we advance here.

scholarly journals Recursion and the Definition of Universal Prosodic Categories

Languages ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 125
Author(s):  
Lisa Lai-Shen Cheng ◽  
Laura J. Downing
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
High Ranking ◽  
Syntactic Theory ◽  
Current Controversy ◽  
Syntactic Representation ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Prosodic Categories ◽  
Phonological Phrase

It is widely agreed that prosodic constituents should mirror syntactic constituents (unless high-ranking prosodic constraints interfere). Because recursion is a feature of syntactic representations, one expects recursion in prosodic representations as well. However, it is of current controversy what kinds of syntactic representation motivate prosodic recursion. In this paper, the use of Phonological Phrase recursion is reviewed in several case studies, chosen because prosodic recursion mostly does not reflect syntactic recursion as defined in current syntactic theory. We provide reanalyses that do not appeal to prosodic recursion (unless syntactically motivated), showing that Phonological Phrase recursion is not necessary to capture the relevant generalizations. The more restrictive use of prosodic recursion we argue for has the following conceptual advantages. It allows for more consistent cross-linguistic generalizations about the syntax–prosody mapping so that prosodic representations more closely reflect syntactic ones. It allows the fundamental syntactic distinctions between clause (and other phases) and phrase to be reflected in the prosodic representation, and it allows cross-linguistic generalizations to be made about the prosodic domain of intonational processes, such as downstep and continuation rise.

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