scholarly journals The prosodic word is not universal, but emergent

2010 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 657-709 ◽  
Author(s):  
RENÉ SCHIERING ◽  
BALTHASAR BICKEL ◽  
KRISTINE A. HILDEBRANDT
Keyword(s):  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Phonological Processes ◽  
Prosodic Word ◽  
Phonological Rule ◽  
Actual Degree ◽  
Construction Type ◽  
Sound Patterns ◽  
Phonological Phrase ◽  
Frequent Reference ◽  
Phonological Rules

In Prosodic Phonology, domains for the application of phonological patterns are commonly modeled as a Prosodic Hierarchy. The theory predicts, among other things, that (i) prosodic domains cluster on a single universal set of domains (‘Clustering’), and (ii) no level of prosodic structure is skipped in the building of prosodic structure unless this is required by independently motivated higher ranking principles or constraints (‘Strict Succession’). In this paper, we demonstrate that if, as is standardly done, evidence is limited to lexically general phonological processes, some languages systematically violate the Strict Succession Prediction, evidencing no prosodic word domain, and some languages systematically violate the Clustering Prediction, evidencing more than one domain between the phonological phrase and the foot. We substantiate these claims by in-depth studies of phonological rule domains in Vietnamese (Austroasiatic) and Limbu (Sino-Tibetan). As an alternative to the Prosodic Hierarchy framework, we advocate a heuristic for cross-linguistic comparison in which prosodic domains are conceived of as language-particular, intrinsic and highly specific properties of individual phonological rules or constraints. This allows us to explore empirically the actual degree of variation to be encountered across prosodic systems. It turns out that the ‘word’ has no privileged or universal status in phonology, but only emerges through frequent reference of sound patterns to a given construction type in a given language.

The Foot is not an obligatory constituent of the Prosodic Hierarchy: “stress” in Turkish, French and child English

2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
Öner Özçelik
Keyword(s):  
Regular Word ◽  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Opposite Edge ◽  
Early Child ◽  
Prosodic Word ◽  
Foot Structure ◽  
Edge Stress ◽  
Phonological Phrase

AbstractThis paper proposes that the presence/absence of the Foot is parametric; that is, contra much previous research (see e. g. Selkirk, Elisabeth (1995). Sentence prosody: intonation, stress and phrasing. In J. Goldsmith (ed.)The handbook of phonological theory. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell. 550–569., Vogel, Irene (2009). Universals of prosodic structure. In S. Scalise, E. Magni, & A. Bisetto (eds.)Universals of language today. Dordrecht: Springer. 59–82.), it is argued here that the Foot is not a universal constituent of the Prosodic Hierarchy; rather, some languages, such as Turkish and French, as well as early child languages, are footless. Several types of evidence are presented in support of this proposal, from both Turkish and French, as well as child English. A comparison of regular (word-final) and exceptional stress in Turkish reveals, for example, that regular “stress” is intonational prominence falling on the last syllable of prosodic words in the absence of foot structure. Both acoustic and formal evidence are presented in support of this proposal, as well as evidence from syntax-prosody interface. The paper also presents evidence for the footless status of French, which, unlike Turkish, is proposed to be completely footless. Several arguments are presented in support of this position, such as the fact that, in French, the domain of obligatory prominence is the Phonological Phrase (PPh), not the Prosodic Word (PWd); in a PPh consisting of several PWds, therefore, nonfinal PWds can surface without any kind of stress or prominence, suggesting that, at least for non-final PWds, one cannot assume stress or foot structure. Finally, the proposal is extended to additional languages, such as those demonstrating Default-to-Opposite Edge stress.

Phonology

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mahmood Bijankhan
Keyword(s):  
Optimality Theory ◽  
Syllable Structure ◽  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Phonological Processes ◽  
Distinctive Features ◽  
Loan Words ◽  
Persian Language ◽  
Feature Geometry ◽  
Natural Classes ◽  
Phonological Rules

This chapter reviews the organization of sounds in the contemporary Persian language and discusses the issues in phoneme inventory, syllable structure, distinctive features, phonological rules, rule interaction, and prosodic structure according to the framework of the derivational phonology. Laryngeal states responsible for contrast in pairs of homorganic stops and fricatives are different in Persian. Phonological status of continuancy is controversial for the uvular obstruent. Glottal stop is distinctive at the beginning of loan-words while not at the beginning of the original Persian words. Phonotactic constraints within the codas of the syllables violate the sonority sequencing principle. Glottals are moraic in the coda position. Feature geometry is posited on the sound distinctions and patterns within phonological processes. Eleven phonological rules are explained to suggest natural classes. Interaction of some rules is derived. Laryngeal conspiracy, syllable structure, and intersegmental processes are analysed according to interaction of ranked violable constraints of optimality theory.

scholarly journals Stress-timed = word-based? Testing a hypothesis in prosodic typology

2012 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
René Schiering ◽  
Balthasar Bickel ◽  
Kristine A. Hildebrandt
Keyword(s):  
Domain Structure ◽  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Class Membership ◽  
Linguistic Differences ◽  
Prosodic Word ◽  
The Family ◽  
Statistical Support ◽  
Disyllabic Word ◽  
Sound Patterns ◽  
Family Membership

AbstractIn recent research on cross-linguistic differences in linguistic rhythm, it has been hypothesized that the traditional dichotomy ‘stress-timed’ versus ‘syllable-timed’ might be recast with respect to which level of the Prosodic Hierarchy constitutes the most prominent domain for the organization of prosodic structure. In this paper, we test the prediction that ‘stress-timed’ languages are characterized by a dominance of the prosodic word against a typological sample of 58 languages. Although there is a slight cross-linguistic tendency in favor of the prediction, there is no statistical support for the proposed correlation. Since counterexamples include not only individual languages but also entire language families, we advocate a different view on prosodic word domain structure. The prosodic word profile of a given language is more reliably predicted by the family membership of that language than by universal correlations concerning its rhythm class membership. We substantiate this claim by a survey of Mon-Khmer’s family signature on prosodic word domain structure in Mon, where sound patterns target either the monosyllabic stem or the maximally inflected disyllabic word.

scholarly journals PROSES PENYERAPAN KATA BAHASA INGGRIS KE DALAM BAHASA JEPANG: (KAJIAN FONOLOGI GENERATIF TRANSFORMASIONAL)

IZUMI ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Muslihah Muslihah
Keyword(s):  
English Language ◽  
Research Data ◽  
Japanese Language ◽  
Internal Factor ◽  
Phonological Processes ◽  
Loan Words ◽  
Phonological Rule ◽  
Qualitative Descriptive ◽  
Descriptive Method ◽  
Phonological Rules

(Title: The Analysis of Loan Words of English Language Transformed into Japanese Language (Study of Generative Transformational Phonological) The aims of this research are to explain the phonological processes and phonological rule in loan words of English language into Japanese language through generative phonological studies. This research used qualitative descriptive method. The research data are taken from Japanese dictionary loan words. The result shows eight phonological processes and phonological rules in the process of transformation English language to Japanese. (1) the process of adding segment /u/ at the end of the words (2) segment additions /o/ at the end of the words (3) segment additions /u/ in the middle of words  (4) segment additions /o/ in the middle of words (5) substitution of phoneme /l/ to /r/, (6) substitution of phoneme /v/ to /b/, (7) segment additions /i/, (8) substitution of phoneme /t/ to /c/. The transformation of phonological processes on the loan words of English language into Japanese language affected by the internal factor.

Focus on the prefix: evidence for word-internal prosodic words

Phonology ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-324 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ann Wennerstrom
Keyword(s):  
Morphological Structure ◽  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Phonological Processes ◽  
Prosodic Word ◽  
The Relationship

This paper presents an analysis of the relationship between focus and the prosodic word (ω) in English. Using focus as a diagnostic, I will support the position that prosodic structure is built on a separate plane from morphological structure and that certain phonological processes are conditioned by prosodic bracketing (Booij & Rubach 1984, 1987; Nespor & Vogel 1986; Halle & Vergnaud 1987; Cohn 1989; Zec & Inkelas 1990; Kang 1992; Booij & Lieber 1993; Raffelsiefen 1993). More specifically, the proposal is that semantic analysability, focus and ω status coincide in a predictable manner on prefixes.

scholarly journals Emergência de sândi consonântico em Português Europeu: uma abordagem prosódica

2017 ◽  
pp. 177-190
Author(s):  
Alexandra Malho ◽  
Susana Correia ◽  
Sónia Frota
Keyword(s):  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Prosodic Word ◽  
European Portuguese ◽  
Word Position ◽  
Fricative Voicing ◽  
Phonological Phrase ◽  
The Relationship

In European Portuguese, the domain for sandhi phenomena is the intonational phrase. Unlike the intonational phrase, the phonological phrase has been shown to be only relevant for rhythm and prominence-related phenomena (Frota, 2000, 2014). Fricative voicing between words (casa[ʒb]rancas, casa[ʃp]retas) and ressylabification before vowel-initial words (casa[zɐ]marelas) occur within the intonational phrase. In this study, we considered spontaneous productions of a Portuguese child (Luma), aged 2;04-4;00, to examine the acquisition of external consonantal sandhi. The data show that sandhi production varies according to the segmental (C#C, C#V, CFric, CVib, CLat) and prosodic context (clitic, prosodic word, position in prosodic structure). The data further confirm that sandhi occurs within the intonational phrase, supporting the analysis proposed for the adult grammar. This study contributes to the understanding of the relationship between the acquisition of the prosodic structure and the acquisition of sandhi phenomena.

Separating phonology from syntax: a reanalysis of Pashto cliticization

1981 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ellen M. Kaisse
Keyword(s):  
Surface Structure ◽  
The Other ◽  
Standard Theory ◽  
Interface Model ◽  
Full Information ◽  
Phonological Processes ◽  
Transformational Grammar ◽  
Phonological Rule ◽  
Syntactic Derivation ◽  
Phonological Rules

I. A pervasive, though not always explicit assumption of transformational grammar has been that syntactic and phonological rules form separate, discrete units in the organization of grammar; that phonological rules are not ordered among syntactic transformations, but rather apply in a block at the end of the syntactic derivation.1 Chomsky and Halle (1968) go even further in this separation, arguing that the surface structure is not the immediate input to the phonological component, but first undergoes certain ‘readjustment rules’, such as insertion of word boundaries. I have argued elsewhere (Kaisse, 1977) that this added step is unnecessary, and that there are in fact certain inter-word phonological processes that require the full information present in the labeled bracketing of the surface structure. However, my proposal is not a radical departure from the standard theory, in that it remains an INTERFACE model, in line with that proposed in Pullum and Zwicky (to appear). The claim remains that all syntactic rules apply before all phonological rules. In the case of word-internal phonological rules this is perhaps not crucial, but for rules of external sandhi, it is very important, both empirically and theoretically. For if we give up the requirement that no phonological rule apply during a syntactic derivation, we greatly increase the power of our theory of grammar and give up the ability to predict on a universal basis, the order of application of two rules, one phonological and the other syntactic.

A mismatch between morphological and prosodic domains: evidence from two Igbo rules

Phonology ◽  
1992 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth C. Zsiga
Keyword(s):  
Domain Structure ◽  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Vowel Harmony ◽  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Phonological Word ◽  
Domain Boundaries ◽  
Word Boundaries ◽  
Prosodic Categories ◽  
Phonological Phrase ◽  
Phonological Rules

In order to adequately describe the application of phonological rules across word boundaries, phonologists have appealed to the notion of prosodic domains (Selkirk 1980, 1986; Nespor & Vogel 1982, 1986; Kaisse 1985; Inkelas & Zee 1990). This research has suggested that the domains within and across which rules apply cannot be defined in purely syntactic terms, but rather that a domain structure consisting of prosodic entities such as the phonological word, phonological phrase and intonational phrase must be built up from the syntactic structure. It is to these prosodic categories that phonological rules refer. Prosodic domains are derived from but not necessarily coextensive with syntactic or morphological domains. In fact, some of the best evidence for the necessity of a prosodic structure in addition to a syntactic structure comes from cases where the two donotmatch, and where the correct phonological generalisations can only be captured in terms of the prosodic structure. Igbo presents just such a mismatch. This paper will examine two rules - ATR vowel harmony and vowel assimilation - that make the mismatch clear. These two rules apply in complementary situations: harmony applies only within the word, assimilation only between words. Both rules delineate the same domain, although one operates within the domain boundaries, one across them.

The Medium and the Message

1999 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-215 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wendy Sandler
Keyword(s):  
Facial Expression ◽  
Sign Language ◽  
Spoken Language ◽  
Sign Languages ◽  
Prosodic Word ◽  
Special Stress ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
New Evidence ◽  
Phonological Phrase ◽  
The Relationship

In natural communication, the medium through which language is transmitted plays an important and systematic role. Sentences are broken up rhythmically into chunks; certain elements receive special stress; and, in spoken language, intonational tunes are superimposed onto these chunks in particular ways — all resulting in an intricate system of prosody. Investigations of prosody in Israeli Sign Language demonstrate that sign languages have comparable prosodic systems to those of spoken languages, although the phonetic medium is completely different. Evidence for the prosodic word and for the phonological phrase in ISL is examined here within the context of the relationship between the medium and the message. New evidence is offered to support the claim that facial expression in sign languages corresponds to intonation in spoken languages, and the term “superarticulation” is coined to describe this system in sign languages. Interesting formaldiffer ences between the intonationaltunes of spoken language and the “superarticulatory arrays” of sign language are shown to offer a new perspective on the relation between the phonetic basis of language, its phonological organization, and its communicative content.

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