I. ‘Delenda est Carthago’

1946 ◽  
Vol 8 (03) ◽  
pp. 117-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. E. Adcock

The odious behaviour of the Romans in the events that led to the destruction of Carthage has earned the condemnation of historians who see in it, as they have a right to do, a moral issue. The unattractiveness of the Carthaginians, whose history has been written for us by their enemies, is no defence: the bad name does not justify this execution. But the problem remains why the Senate acted as it did, and the examination of it may throw light on Roman policy and the temper of the Roman mind in the middle years of the second century. We need not suppose that the Senate decided to destroy Carthage rather than listen any longer to Cato ending all hissententiaein the Curia with the words ‘ceterum censeo Carthaginem esse delendam’. The motives that led Cato, who after Pydna had spoken up for the Rhodians and apparently had quoted with approval a plea of Scipio Africanus against the destruction of Carthage after Zama, to urge the destruction of Carthage axe part of the investigation. But the main question is why the Senate in the end adopted his policy, if policy it can be called.

Author(s):  
John Richardson

Appian wrote his Roman history in the second century AD as a series of books arranged geographically to chronicle the rise of the Roman Empire. His Iberike, of which this is the first translation with historical commentary in English, deals with the Romans' wars in the Iberian peninsula from the third to the first centuries BC. It is the only continuous source for much of the history of this crucial period in one of the earliest regions of Rome's imperial expansion, and so fills in the gap made by the loss of Livy's later books. He describes the major campaigns of the conquest from the defeat of the Carthaginians by Scipio Africanus, the wars against the Celtiberians, the war against the Lusitanians under Viriathus and the siege of Numantia. The value of the text is not merely as a chronicle of otherwise obscure events, Appian was an historian who deserves to be studied in his own right. This scholarly edition presents the Greek text with facing-page English translation, accompanied by an introduction, historical commentary and copious notes.


1938 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. H. McDonald

The fortunes of Scipio Africanus after the Second Punic War raise a difficult problem for the student of Roman history. Through his political standing and his personal gifts Scipio's influence must be considered an essential element in the public life of Rome at the decisive period of her imperialistic development; yet the glimpses in recorded history, though significant, are so fleeting that it is almost impossible to gain a complete impression. We know, of course, his Carthaginian policy and his strategy against Antiochus; but in matters relating to Gaul, Liguria and Spain, and in the internal politics of Rome, there is scarcely any evidence of his hand. Most obscure of all is the Second Macedonian War; where the questions of policy were similar to those in the Syrian War, yet Scipio had no share in them that can be directly discerned. Did he withdraw after his victory over Carthage and only re-appear to meet Syria ? Then why should his defeat of Antiochus be followed by his own dishonour, in the face of the claims of gratitude ? His fall suggests a persistent and important political activity, which could only be countered by extreme measures of opposition.


Archaeologia ◽  
1908 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 219-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Ashby

Among the most characteristic features of the life of the Roman aristocracy in classical times may be reckoned the habit of retiring from the noise and bustle of the city to a country house in the neighbourhood.We hear of it among the Greeks, but with them it never attained the same vogue; and in Rome it was a comparatively recent development, for the first mention we have of a villa is that of the country house of the elder Scipio Africanus at Liternum (before 183 B.C.), while the next is that of the various estates of the jurist M. Junius Brutus (about 150 B.C.). From that time, however, the practice increased, and at the end of the Republic, as is clear from the correspondence of Cicero, a wealthy man like Cicero himself would probably possess several country houses. Under the Empire, and especially in the second century A.D., which seems to have been the zenith of prosperity in the Campagna di Roma, the number of villas became far greater.


2006 ◽  
pp. 118-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
N. Rozanova ◽  
E. Savitskaya

Research activities in universities are analyzed in the article. Modern Russia has been flourished with a variety of universities of different teaching quality. What institute to choose is the main question of young people and their parents. As many investigations have shown, the main quality signal for the universities is the level of professors’ research. The situation in Russian universities in this sphere is presented in the article.


ALQALAM ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 213
Author(s):  
Nana Jumhana

Qiyas (analogy) is one of several methods which had been used by Arabic linguist since the first generation until those who lived in the second century of Hijriyah in formulating Arabic grammars next to Sama' (orally transmitted material). The formulation of the grammars was aimed at conservating Arabic from any kinds of inference, considering that it was not only a mere treasure of the Arab, but also language of Islam after the revelation of Alqur'an. As an ephistemological basis of Arabic synthax, Qiyas serves as an analogy to some eloquent saying of the ancient Arabs. In so doing, Qiyas consists of four components: 1) maqis 'alaih (the source to which one thing is comparred), 2) maqis (the respected object to be comparred), 3) 'illah (the similar aspectls the both share), and 4) hukm (the verdict in search). In terms of it's kind, linguists devide it into three kinds: 1) qiyas al' illah, 2) qiyas at-tard, and qiyas as-syibhi. Even though some linguists argue against the using of Qiyas in formulating grammars, particularly for it is not in line with sima', also for it is considered to be built on subjective rationalisation, Qiyas is of great significance in language theorizing. The significance of Qiyas is not limited to the products demonstrated by traditional linguists. It also applies to our time too, particularly in developing Arabic language in all of it's aspects. Keyword: Qiyas, Method, Taq id al-Nahwi, Mazhab Basrah, Mazhab Kufah


1997 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 260-269
Author(s):  
David Millar
Keyword(s):  

2001 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yasin Dutton

The recent publication of the facsimile edition of MS Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Arabe 328a has allowed general access to what is probably one of the oldest, and most important, Qur'an fragments in Europe. The text is unvocalised, but the large number of folios (fifty-six) means that there are enough consonantal variants present to enable a positive identification of the reading represented, which turns out to be that of the Syrian Ibn cĀmir (d. 118/736). This, in combination with the early “Ḥijāzī” script, suggests (a) that this muṣḥaf was copied in Syria, and (b) that this was done some time during the first or early second century AH. In other words, what we have here is almost definitely a muṣḥaf according to the Syrian reading, copied in Syria, at the time when the caliphate had its seat in Syria, i.e. during the Umayyad period. Thus the identification of this particular reading helps in ascertaining the date and provenance of this particular manuscript, as it also fleshes out with documentary evidence the information given in the qirāↄāt literature about this reading.


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