scholarly journals Transborder Capitalism and National Reconciliation: The American Press Reimagines U.S.-Mexico Relations after the Civil War

Author(s):  
Alys Beverton

Abstract The end of the Civil War did not eradicate Americans’ concerns regarding the fragility of their republic. For many years after Appomattox, newspapers from across the political spectrum warned that the persistence of sectionalism in the postwar United States threatened to condemn the country to the kind of interminable internal disorder supposedly endemic among the republics of Latin America. This article examines how, from the early 1870s onward, growing numbers of U.S. editors, journalists, and political leaders called on Americans to concentrate on extending their nation’s commercial reach into Mexico. In doing so, they hoped to topple divisive domestic issues—notably Reconstruction—from the top of the national political agenda. These leaders in U.S. public discourse also anticipated that collaboration in a project to extend the United States’ continental power would revive affective bonds of nationality between the people of the North and South. In making this analysis, this article argues that much of the early impetus behind U.S. commercial penetration south of the Rio Grande after the Civil War was fueled by Americans’ deep anxieties regarding the integrity of their so-called exceptional republic.

2011 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 193-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Ashworth

Abstract This paper introduces arguments from Slavery, Capitalism, and Politics in the Antebellum Republic1 to suggest that the Civil War arose ultimately because of class-conflict between on the one hand, Southern slaves and their masters and, on the other, Northern workers and their employers. It does not, however, suggest that either in the North or the South these conflicts were on the point of erupting into revolution. On the contrary, they were relatively easily containable. However, harmony within each section (North and South) could be secured only at the cost of intersectional conflict, conflict which would finally erupt into civil war. The Civil War was a ‘bourgeois revolution’ not only because it destroyed slavery, an essentially precapitalist system of production, in the United States but also because it resulted in the enthronement of Northern values, with the normalisation of wage-labour at their core.


Author(s):  
Peggy Cooper Davis

In chapter 6, Peggy Cooper Davis notes that in a democratic republic, the people are sovereign and must be free and educated to exercise that sovereignty. She contends that the history of chattel slavery’s denial of human sovereignty in the United States, slavery’s overthrow in the Civil War, and the Constitution’s reconstruction to restore human sovereignty provide a basis for recognizing that the personal rights protected by the United States Constitution, as amended on the demise of slavery, include a fundamental right to education that is adequate to enable every person to participate meaningfully as one among equal and sovereign people.


1892 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 360
Author(s):  
Albert Bushnell Hart ◽  
John Bach McMaster

1911 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 645
Author(s):  
Charles H. Levermore ◽  
John Bach McMaster

Author(s):  
James R. Watson

On June 2, 1862, William A. Hammond, Surgeon General of the United States Army, announced the intention of his office to collect material for the publication of a “Medical and Surgical History of the War of the Rebellion (1861–1865)” (1), usually called the Civil War of the United States of America, or the War Between the Union (the North; the Federal Government) and the Confederacy of the Southern States. Forms for the monthly “Returns of Sick and Wounded” were reviewed, corrected and useful data compiled from these “Returns” and from statistics of the offices of the Adjutant General (payroll) and Quartermaster General (burial of decreased soldiers).


2012 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-12
Author(s):  
Jeronimo Camposeco ◽  
Allan Burns

Although the Maya Diaspora is often seen as the result of the Civil War in Guatemala during the 1980s, small numbers of Maya were becoming experienced travelers to El Norte from the 1970s. I was a teacher at the Acatec Parochial School of San Miguel starting in 1960, and the people in that area had great economic problems from unproductive lands. Much of the land was stony and the fields were located on the slopes of the mountains, therefore people went to look for temporary work in the lowland plantations. Many people ventured to the nearby cities: Comitan and Comalapa, Chiapas, Mexico, to get clothes, hats, shoes, food and drinks to sell in their villages. One of them, Juan Diego from San Rafael, in one of his trips in early 1970, met a Mexican who told him about economic opportunities in the United States. Afterward they decided to go to Los Angeles, California. Later on, he helped his friend Jose Francisco Aguirre (Chepe) from San Miguel to come to Los Angeles.


Author(s):  
Andrew Preston

Over the course of nearly three hundred years, the people who inhabited what came to be called the United States enlarged their territorial holdings. As they did so, their belief that expansion wasn’t just inevitable but righteous took hold: progress was good, the United States represented progress, and so many started believing that the best thing for all concerned was to stretch US borders as far as possible. ‘Expansionism’ explains how the period between the War of 1812 and the Civil War unleashed these restless impulses and their violent effects across a continent, and set the ideological template for even greater expansions to follow.


Itinerario ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 115-141
Author(s):  
Walther L. Bernecker

Conventional accounts of economic links between the North Atlantic nations (USA/Europe) and Mexico state that the Europeans clearly dominated Mexican foreign trade in the first decades after national independence while the United States only achieved significance in Mexico's import-export trade in the Porfiriato during the last quarter of the nineteenth century. Such studies suggest that the United States only gradually discovered an interest in Mexico so that in previous decades the Europeans ruled the field unchallenged. It is generally overlooked that from quite early on Mexico was a part of North American foreign and trade policy because of geopolitical and economic considerations. The geopolitical component was the result of the geographic proximity of Mexico to its northern neighbour; the economic ties due to Mexico's silver mines, the intensive smuggling between North and South from the outset, and the constant increase in trade volume.


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