Competition and compromise in negotiating the new governance of medical performance: the clinical governance and revalidation policies in the UK

2009 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 283-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
LAURA FENTON ◽  
BRIAN SALTER

AbstractThis article explores the development of two policies for the governance of medical performance in the UK: the Department of Health's (DH) clinical governance policy and the medical profession's revalidation policy. After discussing the institutional context in which each of these policies emerged, we examine how and why they were constructed. While the clinical governance policy was in large part a swift reaction to high-profile cases of medical misconduct in the late 1990s, revalidation was the profession's response to the politicisation of its self-regulatory apparatus. The profession took notably longer than the DH to piece together its policy as a result of internal disagreements about the role clinical standards should play in the evaluation of a doctor's fitness to practice. Following the Fifth Report of the Shipman Inquiry in late 2004, the government stepped in and eventually introduced legislation that modifies the profession's policy. With clinical governance, the state – via arms-length regulatory organisations – has entered the clinic in new ways, strengthening hierarchy-based forms of governance in the governance of medical performance. However, the success of hierarchical forms of governance is likely to be restricted by the lack of a clear system of sanctioning and the state's reliance on a lengthy chain of command in the National Health Service for the implementation of clinical standards.

Author(s):  
Danielle B. Freedman

AbstractClinical Governance is a framework through which the National Health Service (NHS) organisations in the UK are accountable for continuously improving the quality of their services and safeguarding high standards by creating an environment in which excellence in clinical care will flourish. The NHS has moved on from being an organisation that simply delivered services to people, to being a service that is totally patient-led and responds to their needs and wishes. There are numerous national drivers and initiatives for patient involvement, including the


1999 ◽  
Vol 5 (6) ◽  
pp. 399-404 ◽  
Author(s):  
Femi Oyebode ◽  
Nick Brown ◽  
Elizabeth Parry

Clinical governance is defined by the government as:“a framework through which [National Health Service (NHS)] organisations are accountable for continuously improving the quality of their services and safeguarding high standards of care by creating an environment in which excellence in clinical care will flourish'’ (emphasis not in original) (Department of Health (DOH), 1998).


2020 ◽  
Vol 237 (12) ◽  
pp. 1400-1408
Author(s):  
Heinrich Heimann ◽  
Deborah Broadbent ◽  
Robert Cheeseman

AbstractThe customary doctor and patient interactions are currently undergoing significant changes through technological advances in imaging and data processing and the need for reducing person-to person contacts during the COVID-19 crisis. There is a trend away from face-to-face examinations to virtual assessments and decision making. Ophthalmology is particularly amenable to such changes, as a high proportion of clinical decisions are based on routine tests and imaging results, which can be assessed remotely. The uptake of digital ophthalmology varies significantly between countries. Due to financial constraints within the National Health Service, specialized ophthalmology units in the UK have been early adopters of digital technology. For more than a decade, patients have been managed remotely in the diabetic retinopathy screening service and virtual glaucoma clinics. We describe the day-to-day running of such services and the doctor and patient experiences with digital ophthalmology in daily practice.


2000 ◽  
Vol 6 (5) ◽  
pp. 373-379 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Kehoe

With the arrival of clinical governance, psychiatrists working for the National Health Service (NHS) can no longer work in isolation, and commitment to both clinical effectiveness and continuing professional development (CPD) is expected and likely to become mandatory. Clinical governance gives clinical effectiveness a high priority within NHS organisations, both at primary and secondary care levels, together with clearer lines of accountability.


2015 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARK EXWORTHY ◽  
PAULA HYDE ◽  
PAMELA MCDONALD-KUHNE

AbstractWe elaborate Le Grand's thesis of ‘knights and knaves’ in terms of clinical excellence awards (CEAs), the ‘financial bonuses’ which are paid to over half of all English hospital specialists and which can be as much as £75,000 (€92,000) per year in addition to an NHS (National Health Service) salary. Knights are ‘individuals who are motivated to help others for no private reward’ while knaves are ‘self-interested individuals who are motivated to help others only if by doing so they will serve their private interests.’ Doctors (individually and collectively) exhibit both traits but the work of explanation of the inter-relationship between them has remained neglected. Through a textual analysis of written responses to a recent review of CEAs, we examine the ‘knightly’ and ‘knavish’ arguments used by medical professional stakeholders in defending these CEAs. While doctors promote their knightly claims, they are also knavish in shaping the preferences of, and options for, policy-makers. Policy-makers continue to support CEAs but have introduced revised criteria for CEAs, putting pressure on the medical profession to accept reforms. CEAs illustrate the enduring and flexible power of the medical profession in the UK in colonising reforms to their pay, and also the subtle inter-relationship between knights and knaves in health policy.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document