The upgrading of the sidewalk: from traditional working-class colonisation to the squatting practices of urban middle-class families

2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 61-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lia Karsten
Author(s):  
Peter Scott

New furniture was the first consumer durable to be successfully diffused to a mass (middle- and working-class) market in Britain. This chapter charts how a small number of furniture retailers pioneered many of the techniques used to create British mass markets for consumer durables. The key innovator was Benjamin Drage, who devised a successful formula to sell suites of new furniture, and the consumer credit used to purchase them, to ‘Mr Everyman’, using a revolutionary national advertising campaign. Drage’s spectacular early success is shown to have inspired emulation and adaption not just by furniture retailers, but by suppliers of other consumer durables. This chapter shows how furniture retailers managed to convince millions of working-and lower-middle-class families that buying their furniture new and furnishing out of income was not only practicable but constituted the cornerstone of modern aspirational lifestyles.


1992 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 187-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shoshana Blum-Kulka ◽  
Catherine E. Snow

Abstract Dinner-table conversations are contexts in which children become socialized to local cultural rules regulating storytelling and may be able to achieve autonomy in telling stories, as tellers of stories, and in the content or tale recounted. Conversations from five American and five Israeli middle-class families and five American working-class families matched on family constellation generated 33, 40, and 15 narratives, respectively. Each of the groups demonstrated a different pattern on dimensions such as who participated in telling narratives, who initi-ated narratives, and how secondary narrators participated; Israeli family narra-tives were more collaborative but with relatively little child participation, whereas American middle-class children participated more by initiating their own narratives and American working-class children narrated in response to adult elicitation. All three groups demanded fidelity to truth and coherence in the tales children told, but many more of the narratives told in Israeli families had to do with events known to all the family members, whereas American children told stories about events unfamiliar to at least some family members. (Communication)


Science ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 200 (4349) ◽  
pp. 1503-1504 ◽  
Author(s):  
M Schiff ◽  
M Duyme ◽  
A Dumaret ◽  
J Stewart ◽  
S Tomkiewicz ◽  
...  

1999 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-162 ◽  
Author(s):  
LISA K. BURGER ◽  
PEGGY J. MILLER

This study contributes to our understanding of sociocultural variation in children's early storytelling by comparing co-narrations produced by children and their families from two European-American communities, one working-class and one middle-class. Six children from each community were observed in their homes at 2;6 and 3;0 years of age, yielding a corpus of nearly 400 naturally-occurring co-narrations of past experience. Analyses of generic properties, content, and emotion talk revealed a complex configuration of similarities and differences. Working-class and middle-class families produced co-narrations that were similar in referential/evaluative functions and temporal structure, with a preponderance of positive content. Working-class families produced twice as many co-narrations as their middle-class counterparts, produced more negative emotion talk, and used more dramatic language for conveying negative emotional experience. These findings suggest that (1) differentiation between working-class and middle-class communities in the content of early narratives may occur primarily with respect to negative experience and (2) researchers need to go beyond emotion state terms in order to accurately represent sociocultural variation in personal storytelling.


Author(s):  
Jessica McCrory Calarco

This chapter argues that the middle-class advantage is, at least in part, a negotiated advantage. That argument has implications for research on cultural capital, teacher bias, student resistance, and teacher authority. It also supports recommendations for researchers, practitioners, and policymakers interested in reducing class-based inequalities in school. First, I urge teachers to be sensitive to social class differences in student problem-solving. Second, I encourage schools to alleviate the challenges teachers face in assessing and responding to students’ individual needs. Third, I call on policymakers to avoid deficit-oriented programs that teach working-class students to act like their middle-class peers. Those programs ignore the fact that working-class families are often the ones complying with institutional expectations and the fact that middle-class families are the ones demanding support in excess of what is fair or required. Thus, unless educators are willing to deny such requests, middle-class children will always stay one step ahead.


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