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2021 ◽  
pp. 261-296
Author(s):  
Mark Knights

Public discussion of corruption was very important in shaping cultural norms as well as scrutinising and pressing for the reform of Britain’s domestic and imperial administrations. The focus of this chapter is on the debates surrounding the nature and extent of the freedom of Britain’s precociously free press to expose corruption. The chapter argues that there was a close connection between justifications for anti-corruption and ideological defences of a free press: freedom of the press and freedom from corruption often went hand in hand. Some critics argued that the press should not be shackled by those in office whose desire to restrict it was rooted in a concern to screen themselves. But officials (in both domestic and imperial contexts) often had a very different view, seeing the press as seditious, libellous, and destructive of authority. This tension existed both at home and abroad for much of the period.


2021 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 82-83
Author(s):  
Mikhail Khordokovsky
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 58-62
Author(s):  
Scott Griffen
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
pp. 185-232
Author(s):  
Carlos A. Ball

This chapter explores the ways in which some progressives, in the years leading up to Trump’s election, had grown skeptical of expansive First Amendment protections, viewing them as impediments to the pursuit of equality objectives. Although some of that skepticism is understandable, the chapter details the multiple ways in which free speech and free press protections helped curtail some of Trump’s autocratic policies and practices. In doing so, the chapter argues that progressives, going forward, should not allow what it calls “First Amendment skepticism” to grow to the point that it undermines the amendment’s ability to shield democratic processes, dissenters, and vulnerable groups from future autocratic government officials in the Trump mold. The chapter ends with an exploration of future hate speech regulations. While it would be understandable for progressives, after Trump’s repeated use of hate speech, to call for greater regulations of such speech, the chapter urges progressives to be cautious in this area because of the real possibility that the regulations will be used by future government officials in the Trump mold to target and discriminate against both progressive viewpoints and racial and religious minorities.


2021 ◽  
pp. 58-100
Author(s):  
Martha Minow

Chapter 3 explores the First Amendment implications of government support of the news industry. It challenges the assumption that the Constitution bars any governmental role in the news media by analyzing First Amendment decisions by courts and legislatures, including historical shifts in First Amendment interpretations. The analysis identifies a range of constitutionally permissible tools for government actions to strengthen or save news industries and advances a positive conception of First Amendment rights that both sanctions and motivates new approaches to sustain the free press. First Amendment values strongly support government action to protect the generation, production, and distribution of news.


2021 ◽  
pp. 145-148
Author(s):  
Martha Minow

Chapter 5 concludes with a call to action to fix the crisis in the news media. The First Amendment’s guarantee of free speech and free press presupposes the existence of an independent press. That predicate is now in jeopardy. Changes in the news industry threaten the project of democracy and obligate the government to act. The First Amendment is not a barrier but instead a basis for such action.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-287
Author(s):  
Susan M. Fredricks ◽  
Joshua D. Phillips

A free and open press (unincumbered by political pressures) is necessary to hold government officials accountable. When governments become entangled in the business of licensing and regulating news outlets, news outlets succumb to the pressures of only publishing stories favorable to the current regime. The temptation to publish negative stories could result in losing one’s publishing license. This scenario has been playing out in Venezuela for the past two decades and has led to a media culture of misinformation, confusion, and propaganda. This paper first analyzes the Venezuelan view on the influential forces on its government through the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP). Second, it explores how the Venezuelan government vanquished the free press by affecting the Venezuelan citizens’ attitudes towards the press. Finally, it reviews how the internet and social media are creating new avenues for publishing uncensored and unregulated information in an effort to challenge current government restrictions.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-211
Author(s):  
Leonard Felix Widyo Sanderan ◽  
Irwan Lie Keng Wong ◽  
Monika Datu Mirring Palinggi

Soil has an important role in a highway construction planning that serves to pass the load from the top layer, but not always the basic soil layer is able to function properly. Therefore, in this study was conducted to find out the effect of the addition of oil palm shell ash on clay soil to UCT (Unconfined Compression Test). The type of soil that will be usedfor penelitian is clay soil taken in Paccinongang area, Gowa Regency. The methodology in this study conducted several    soil physical properties testing then Kompaksi testing to obtain optimum moisture content value, and Unconfined Compression Test to get strong press value (qu). The results of the study showed that the soil meets the physical properties of clay soil. From The Free Press Strong test on the ash content of the palm shell 0%, 3%, 6%, 9%, 12% and 15% at point 1 the free press strength value decreased from 0% by 0.362% and increased at 9% by 0.424%. Meanwhile, at point 2, it decreased by 0% by 0.445% and increased at 12% by 0.423%.  From the Unconfined Compression Test on Paccinongang clay, Gowa Regency with the addition of oil palm shell ash from both samples, there was an increase in the addition of 9% and 12% of normal clay soil.


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