Is guanxi belief predicted by system-justifying ideologies? Exploring the relationship of guanxi belief with meritocratic ideology, social dominance orientation and right-wing authoritarianism (¿Son las ideologías justificativas del sistema predictoras de la creencia en el guanxi? Exploramos la relación de la práctica guanxi con la ideología meritocrática, la orientación a la dominación social y el autoritarismo de derecha)

2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-264
Author(s):  
Haoxin Liu ◽  
Tulips-Yiwen Wang ◽  
Allan B. I. Bernardo
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Luke Howison

<p>Two general population studies examined the association of Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) and Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) with the Aggression Questionnaire, and any sex differences in this relationship. SDO and RWA were both associated with aggression; however, contradictory sex differences were found. In Study 1 (N = 270), SDO and aggression was associated for females but not males; the opposite was found in Study 2 (N = 178). A model of the relationships between SDO, RWA, sex, hostility, anger and physical aggression was constructed and evaluated for Study 1. Study 2 included additional measures including instrumental/expressive aggression, femininity/masculinity, gender group identification and sexism. SDO was related to instrumental aggression, suggesting that social dominators use aggression instrumentally. Masculinity/femininity did not have a major effect on the aggressionSDO/RWA relationship; however, gender identity mediated the relationship between sex and SDO, replicating previous challenges of the invariance hypothesis</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Haarklau Kleppestø ◽  
Nikolai Olavi Czajkowski ◽  
Olav Vassend ◽  
Espen Røysamb ◽  
Nikolai Haahjem Eftedal ◽  
...  

The evolved attachment system maintains proximity and care-giving behavior between parents and offspring, in a way that is argued to shape people’s mental models of how relationships work, resulting in secure, anxious or avoidant interpersonal styles. Several theorists have suggested that the attachment system is closely connected to orientations and behaviors in social and political domains, such that the latter are grounded in the same set of familial experiences as are the different attachment styles. We use a large sample of Norwegian twins (N = 1987) to assess the relationship between attachment styles and two key ideological orientations, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO), and the role of genetic and environmental influences therein. We also consider the relationship of both sets of traits with the interpersonal orientations of trust and altruism. Results indicate no shared environmental overlap between attachment and ideology, nor even between the two attachment styles or between the two ideological traits, challenging conventional wisdom in developmental, social, and political psychology. Rather, evidence supports two functionally distinct systems, one for navigating intimate relationships and one for navigating social hierarchies, with genetic overlap between traits within each system, and two distinct genetic linkages to trust and altruism. We argue for further genetically informed research in other settings to elucidate the etiology and dynamics of these core aspects of our social and political nature.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Luke Howison

<p>Two general population studies examined the association of Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) and Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) with the Aggression Questionnaire, and any sex differences in this relationship. SDO and RWA were both associated with aggression; however, contradictory sex differences were found. In Study 1 (N = 270), SDO and aggression was associated for females but not males; the opposite was found in Study 2 (N = 178). A model of the relationships between SDO, RWA, sex, hostility, anger and physical aggression was constructed and evaluated for Study 1. Study 2 included additional measures including instrumental/expressive aggression, femininity/masculinity, gender group identification and sexism. SDO was related to instrumental aggression, suggesting that social dominators use aggression instrumentally. Masculinity/femininity did not have a major effect on the aggressionSDO/RWA relationship; however, gender identity mediated the relationship between sex and SDO, replicating previous challenges of the invariance hypothesis</p>


2014 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Russell J. Webster ◽  
Mason D. Burns ◽  
Margot Pickering ◽  
Donald A. Saucier

Politically conservative (versus liberal) individuals generally report more prejudice towards various low–status out–groups. Three studies examined whether prejudice suppression factors—specifically, internal and external motivation to suppress (IMS and EMS, respectively) prejudice—can help explain the relationship between political orientation and prejudice. Study 1 showed that IMS and EMS partially mediated the relationship between political orientation and affective prejudice towards Arabs. Study 2 demonstrated that when justification [right–wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation] and suppression (IMS and EMS) factors are simultaneously tested as mediators, only RWA partially mediated the relationship between political orientation and prejudice towards deviant (e.g. gay men) out–groups, whereas RWA and IMS fully mediated the relationship between political orientation and prejudice towards derogated out–groups (e.g. Blacks). Intriguingly, IMS rendered social dominance orientation effects non–significant for derogated out–groups. Study 3 showed that anticipating an out–group interaction (with a Black or lesbian confederate) diminished the mediational contribution of IMS in the political orientation–prejudice relationship because of increased IMS among participants; yet the increases in IMS did not completely eliminate differences in prejudice as a function of political orientation. Ultimately, these three studies demonstrate that suppression (in addition to justification) factors do help explain the relationship between political orientation and prejudice. Copyright © 2013 European Association of Personality Psychology.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 473-490
Author(s):  
Dmitry Sergeevich Grigoryev

The article considers the relationship of different views on ethnocultural diversity (intergroup ideologies) and authoritarian and ethnocentric attitudes of Russians. This is an important issue because, having the status of a culturally dominant group, it is the ethnic Russians who largely determine the mutual character of intercultural relations in Russia. In this regard, an empirical study was carried out aimed at (1) testing the relationship of intergroup ideologies (assimilationism, colorblindness, multiculturalism, polyculturalism) with other attitudes relevant to intercultural relations (ethnocentrism, right-wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation) and (2) testing their sociofunctional orientation. A cross-sectional one-sample correlation design using data from the socio-psychological survey was applied. According to the results of the study on a sample of 225 ethnic Russians, it was found that: (1) assimilationism was positively associated with intergroup ethnocentrism; (2) colorblindness was negatively associated with intragroup and intergroup ethnocentrism, authoritarian aggression, conventionalism as well as dominance and anti-egalitarianism; (3) multiculturalism was positively associated with intragroup ethnocentrism and conventionalism; and (4) polyculturalism was negatively associated with intergroup ethnocentrism. In addition, it was proposed to distinguish four dimensions of the considered attitudes for a general description of intercultural relations in Russia: (1) protective group motivation aimed at collective security and cohesion (intragroup ethnocentrism and right-wing authoritarianism); (2) social domination orientation (dominance and anti-egalitarianism); (3) cultural dominance orientation and superiority (intergroup ethnocentrism, assimilationism and rejection of colorblindness); and (4) acceptance of cultural diversity (multiculturalism and polyculturalism). The results were discussed in terms of the importance of taking into account the historical development of intercultural relations in Russia.


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